The head of the coup commission is now talking about legal uncertainty.

Do Infomoney - The Chamber of Deputies is approaching its most important elections in recent times, in which not only the choice of the representatives of the board of directors is at stake. For candidate Rogério Rosso (PSD-DF), this election involves the responsibility of leading discussions on the government's reform agenda and commanding a parliament in crisis in the two-year period preceding the 2018 elections. Furthermore, the chosen candidate will have among their duties the replacement of President Michel Temer in case of unforeseen circumstances and even the calling of early elections in the event of the impeachment of the PMDB member.

Sharing the candidacy of the so-called "centrão" bloc with Jovair Arantes (PTB-GO), the current leader of the PSD says that the moment demands harmonization between the branches of government and a greater protagonism from the Chamber of Deputies, which has a duty to regain support from society at a time of crisis of representation.

Defeated by the current Speaker of the House, Rodrigo Maia (DEM-RJ), Rosso says that the attempt to reinstate his opponent to the position disobeys constitutional norms and generates greater legal uncertainty at a time of crisis. Seen by the press as a candidate with little support in this election, the congressman reaffirmed his interest in unifying his candidacy with Jovair Arantes and admitted the possibility of this happening even before election day.

The interview, given exclusively by telephone, is the second published by this portal with the candidates for president of the Chamber of Deputies. Check out the highlights of the conversation with Rogério Rosso:

InfoMoney - What is the purpose of your candidacy and what new things can you propose for the institution?
Rogério Rosso - I am fully aware that the next two years are a crucial transition for Brazil to overcome the economic crisis it is experiencing. For this to happen, the House needs to function in a balanced, stable, and secure manner, and on the other hand, we need to bring parliament closer to society. What motivates me to seek the coordination of the House leadership is the will and courage I have to address this fundamental issue for Brazil to overcome the crisis.

IM - What is the basis for your candidacy? Is the "centrist" bloc unified despite the contradiction of having two candidates?
RR - This is an absolutely atypical election, starting with the very nature of the position of Speaker of the House, who, for the next two years, in the form of vice-president, will be the eventual substitute for the President of the Republic. Therefore, it is not simply a matter of the leadership of the Chamber of Deputies; there is a constitutional nuance involved.

I've been working with all the parliamentary groups, visiting cities and states. I think the most important thing now is to listen to the suggestions of the parliamentarians and develop an action plan. It's not about... [search] Support not from one party or another, but from the entire house, because to win, you need at least half plus one of the 513 deputies.

IM - Do you see the "centrist" bloc as unified at this moment?
RR - The PSD is a relatively new party, founded in 2011. (From the original bloc of 2015) [with the presidential elections in the Chamber][Name], who was on Arlindo Chinaglia's (PT-SP) ticket, did not vote for Eduardo Cunha. This issue of the PSD being "centrist" is much more symbolic than practical. However, I have no difficulty in saying that, of the various parties in this center, there are in fact two candidates. But I have an excellent relationship with Congressman Jovair. I am sure that, further down the line, we will seek a consensus, at least in the second round, so that we can unify our supporters and emerge victorious from this election. 

IM - So, could there be unification even before the election?
RR - I say that an election for president of the Chamber of Deputies is different from a traditional election with popular vote. In this election, it is necessary to seek consensus; we cannot be intransigent. Whether this consensus can happen beforehand or in the second round, we don't know.

IM - Is Brazil currently experiencing an institutional crisis?
RR - I would say that the end of last year was the peak of this instability. The Constitution already establishes the independence and harmony between the branches of government. What we need to regain in the Chamber of Deputies, which is the representation of the people, is a leading role. The House must be proactive, not reactive, and only discuss issues that come from the Executive Branch. This reversal is fundamental because it strengthens the relationship with society, organizes the House internally with simple procedures, and makes the legislative process much more efficient.

IM - How would this not conflict with the government's agenda?
RR - It's precisely when you work in harmony. For example, President Michel Temer is fully aware of the importance of tax reform, of reducing production costs to generate greater competitiveness for Brazilian products and services. The Chamber of Deputies already has a body of work, the result of years of discussions, analyses, studies, and votes. It's simply a matter of fine-tuning this harmony so that the Chamber can produce, in a very short time, a series of legislative proposals aimed at modernization and increased competitiveness. 

We need to return to being the protagonists of major discussions, but with simplicity and without confrontations between powers; quite the contrary: through harmonization, dialogue, and parliamentary awareness that this transition is one of the most important in the recent history of Brazil's democratization. Either we help pull Brazil out of the crisis, or the crisis will deepen.

IM - How do you analyze the last two administrations of the Chamber from the perspective of the House's independence?
RR - These are distinct periods. In 2015, there was very intense legislative production with quite strong independence under the leadership of former president Eduardo Cunha. Afterwards, the House focused heavily for months on the impeachment issue and the actual removal from office. [from the then-commander of the legislative house]which generated a great deal of instability. President Rodrigo Maia's supplementary term received considerable attention and discussion regarding the PEC (proposed constitutional amendment) on the spending cap, the renegotiation with the states, and other projects also important for fiscal adjustment.

IM - You ran in the last election for Speaker of the House and were defeated by Maia in the second round. What did you learn from that?
RR - I don't consider that election a defeat, because getting 170 votes was a great honor for me. It was an atypical election, where there were only two or three days to campaign. It was a very intense learning experience. What I take away from those moments is that we always need detachment, humility, dedication, and courage to know how to move forward, focusing on the major national issues. Only through national unity will we be able to address the issue of unemployment.

I can't foresee a strong recovery without a broad program of adjustment and cost reduction for national production. It's not just the favorable investment environment, which is clearly better after Michel Temer took office. What we really need is to change the cost structure affecting production so that Brazil can expand its exports, increase capital flows, and generate employment.

IM - What specific agendas would you immediately endorse if elected president of the house?
RR - Let's divide this into two parts: a clear economic agenda and other issues of significant national interest. The first part includes pension reform and labor reform, which I prefer to call cost reform in production, reducing the "Brazil cost," labor charges, lack of infrastructure, logistics problems, and tax reform. Brazil also needs to engage in serious discussions on political, electoral, and party reform.

There are issues such as the new mining code, which was already under consideration, and Brazil could certainly have easily brought in billions of dollars with the modernization of legislation for application in cities and states. I believe that the law on bidding and contracts is also important, so that the public sector can safely and legally acquire products and services while simultaneously stimulating national production.

I also see some extremely complex issues in the debate, such as the whole question of public safety, of which the prison system is one item, as well as the disarmament statute, which is ready to be voted on in plenary session, and allows Brazilian citizens to acquire their own weapons. Regardless of who is for or against it, this is an issue that is ready to be voted on in the Chamber of Deputies and I imagine it will also become a priority for parliament.

There are several other matters, such as the issue of the financial system and other necessary regulations. I am also suggesting that we hold plenary sessions once a week to vote exclusively on bills of parliamentary initiative. Today, the Chamber specializes in voting on provisional measures and conversion bills, which means that 95% of Brazilian laws are of non-parliamentary initiative. Of the last 970 laws published in the Official Gazette of the Union, only about 50 are of parliamentary initiative. It's time for us to reflect on this.

IM - How do you assess Michel Temer's governability situation?
RR - President Temer's political DNA is rooted in parliamentarianism. He has played a very important role in institutional relations, in contacting parliamentarians, which has allowed him to successfully obtain several approvals, such as the amendment limiting spending. On the other hand, in an unprecedented economic crisis, with escalating unemployment and fiscal problems not only for the federal government but also for state and municipal governments, there is a negative environment, which is reflected in the government's approval ratings. However, President Temer has had the courage to promote the reforms that Brazil needs. He forwarded the pension reform, regardless of who approves the text or not. I, personally, believe that the text needs to be changed, because otherwise it will not be approved in the Chamber of Deputies. Adjustments and a serious debate, without rushing, with society are necessary.

IM - Like the other deputies who have officially announced their candidacy for the presidency of the house, you have criticized Rodrigo Maia's intention to seek another term. How do you assess the consequences of this maneuver?
RR - President Rodrigo Maia's attempt to be re-elected is hampered by the Constitution and is generating significant legal uncertainty. Brazil needs stability. This election is being challenged in court, and that is very bad for the country.