For FHC, Aécio represents "change with his feet on the ground."

247 - After placing the PSDB and PSB presidential candidates on equal footing in his preference to remove President Dilma Rousseff from power, former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) declares his support for Aécio Neves' candidacy.

In an article, he says that the senator from Minas Gerais represents "change with his feet on the ground": "In short, it's time for change, and those whose mouths are crooked from the pipe of complicity with corruption, waste, and administrative incompetence, no matter how much they mimic it, are incapable of this feat."

With this, FHC corrects himself from an interview given to Josias' blog. On that occasion, he said that he was not thinking in terms of party politics, but rather historically, when projecting Eduardo Campos (PSB) on an equal footing with Aécio. The statement caused unease in the PSDB because the former president also acknowledged the use of undeclared campaign funds by the PSDB in Eduardo Azeredo's campaign (1998) and demanded an investigation into the corruption scheme in São Paulo (Learn more).

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Change, with feet on the ground and a vision for the future.

The opposition should focus on what bothers the people in their daily lives. Election polls indicate that voters are beginning to show signs of weariness. Material fatigue. For twelve years, Lula's Workers' Party (PT) has imposed a style of governing and communicating that, while successful as propaganda, is now demonstrating its fragility. All political communication was centralized, an effective network for disseminating official versions and defamations throughout the country was created, communication advisors and bloggers distribute press releases and content in bulk (paid for by public funds and state-owned companies), and the "Wonderful Brazil" narrative, supposedly beginning in 2002, was promoted. However, reality exists, and sometimes what psychologists call "cognitive incongruities" occur. While the effects of income distribution policies (created by the PSDB party) were new and the fiscal situation allowed for salary increases without negative economic consequences, everything was fine. The propaganda's praise song resonated with the population's perception.

Since the demonstrations last June, which caught the government, the opposition, and society by surprise, it became clear that not all was well. Dissatisfaction was on the streets, despite undeniable improvements in popular consumption and some advances in the social sphere. This is because the very dynamics of social mobility and improved living standards, and especially the increase in information, generate new emotional dispositions. People have new aspirations and critically view what they didn't perceive before. They begin to desire better quality of life, more access to goods and services, and less inequality.

The immediate trigger for the popular reaction was the spending on the World Cup, the cost of transportation, inefficiency, high prices, and potential corruption in public works. Alongside this, there was the abysmal quality of urban transport, healthcare, education, and security – all piled up. Nothing is new, nor was the reaction provoked by this unease initially directed against a specific government or party. It signified a rejection of all authority. As the federal government reacted by proposing "pacts" that failed to materialize, and accepted the criticism, the political tone shifted somewhat. But the aftermath of the protests – and let's not forget that they have causes – was more the creation of a vague sentiment for change than a political movement with a clear understanding of what it wants to change.

Those in power and who control the publicity have become aware of the situation and are rushing to present themselves with new masks. But perhaps the population wants to elect people with greater organizational and technical skills, who understand the knots that are tightening the country's grip and know how to untie them. That will be the electoral battle of this year.

The Workers' Party (PT), showing solidarity with those convicted in the Mensalão scandal to the point of collecting donations to pay off their debts, will put its political strategists into action to tell voters that they are capable of bringing about renewal.

And the opposition? It will have to firmly, simply, and clearly unmask, trick by trick, the adversary and, above all, it must show a new path and convince voters that only it knows how to tread it. The errors of the public machine, its exorbitant cost, and political and administrative incompetence are on display every day. The flaws appear in small things, such as the confusion created by a simple stop of the presidential entourage in Lisbon, and in more serious ones, such as the inexplicable secrecy surrounding Treasury spending to finance works in "friendly countries." This opened space, for example, for the future PSDB candidate to say, simply: "Well, it's a shame that President Dilma's main project was done in Cuba and not in the Northeast, which is so lacking in infrastructure." I know there are strategic reasons motivating such decisions. But in the language of elections, the people want to know "how much of mine went to the other." And that's what it's about: in whom will the voter trust more to have their expectations, values, and interests met. Therefore, the opposition should focus on what bothers the people on a daily basis, without ignoring the macroeconomic errors, which are not few.

Regarding the insecurity caused by violence and banditry, it is necessary to repress them, and it is time for the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) to present a well-founded plan for the construction of modern penitentiaries, including some in the form of public-private partnerships, as was done in Minas Gerais. It is the moment to: rewrite the law on penal executions and encourage joint efforts to release those who have already served their sentences from prisons, as well as to end, as São Paulo is doing, the practice of holding prisoners in police stations, and also to encourage judges to adopt alternative sentences.

Without denying the potential benefits of having more doctors, wouldn't it be possible to show that the neglect of people, the queues in hospitals, and the delays in providing care to the sick have not changed at all? And that this is due to incompetence and the infiltration of partisan activists into the public administration?

Why not show that the celebrated "Minha Casa, Minha Vida" (My House, My Life) program performs poorly when it comes to housing for the working class, who are also poor but whose income exceeds that of the less fortunate, theoretically served by the program? This leaves a huge portion of the working population without access to homeownership, having to pay exorbitant rents.

Not to mention a simpler, more honest style of government that tells the truth, shows the problems, and doesn't rely on the "Wonderful Brazil" image. A government that is more frugal with taxes, reducing them for everyone and not just to benefit "champion" or "strategic" companies. The opposition needs to be more specific and show how they will reduce the absurd 39 ministries, how they will eliminate the bloated number of employees, and strengthen professional criteria for appointments. It's also time for political and electoral reform. It's impossible to govern with 30 parties, many of which are nothing more than rented party labels.

In short, it's time for a change, and those whose mouths are crooked from the pipe of complicity with corruption, waste, and administrative incompetence, no matter how much they mimic it, are incapable of this feat. The recent past had its virtues, but it has run its course. Let's build a future with less arrogance, with realism and competence, that leads us to better days.