It won't stop here.

President Dilma Rousseff may be worried about the reactions of her allies, but she can also be certain: many more corruption allegations against her government will come. They will come from the Federal Police, the Public Prosecutor's Office, the Federal Audit Court, or the press. The president is right to say that she will not act according to the media's agenda, but she cannot ignore it. And the press, fueled more by allegations that reach journalists than by its own investigations, has been getting a good story every day.

Widespread corruption didn't originate in Dilma's government, nor in Lula's. But Dilma has an obligation to combat it, not because it has increased, but because it is becoming more apparent. And more accusations will come for an obvious reason: corruption is enormous and spread throughout the government. Does anyone think that the events that triggered Operation Voucher are isolated incidents? Of course not. The Amapá case is just one among hundreds in the Ministry of Tourism. It was no secret to anyone, especially since it has already been discussed in the press, that parliamentary amendments for the ministry (and not only for this ministry) are hotbeds of corruption. Parliamentarians fight for amendments for organizations and companies that do not execute the contracted work and even give money (the "kickback") to deputies and senators. That's how it happens, and everyone knows it.

And there hasn't been much talk about the corruption that exists in the Legislative and Judicial branches, which is also widespread. Don't think that the Senate has become a haven for saints after the removal of former Director-General Agaciel Maia and his group, especially since some of them are still there, protected by President José Sarney. And Agaciel took his expertise to the Legislative Chamber of the Federal District, where he is a representative.

Therefore, it is pointless for the president, or anyone else, to think they can restrict the accusations to the transportation sector, making the president the sole villain in the story. The offensive against the Federal Police for doing their job will only increase public suspicion that there is an attempt to sweep everything under the rug.

Allegations have already surfaced against the Army commander himself. All of them must be investigated; some of the accused may even be innocent. The ridiculous thing is seeing figures like Renan Calheiros and Henrique Eduardo Alves criticizing the "excesses" of the Federal Police. Or seeing these two, along with Senator Marta Suplicy, Minister Ideli Salvatti, Senator José Sarney, and others, vouching for figures notoriously linked to corruption. They know they might end up getting burned, but they have to protect their protégés.

Former President Lula is also wrong to say that the "investigation" should only come after the evidence. It's precisely the opposite: the investigation is what allows the collection of evidence. Those who circulate in the power circles of Brasília have known, for a long time, the stories of "Fred from the Rio Quente Inn," who happens to be the former executive secretary Frederico Costa. What was lacking was the evidence, which the Federal Police may now have.

If you look for corruption in Brasília, you'll find it. In practically every public body, in every branch of government. In some cases, the highest-ranking officials may not even be involved, leaving the corruption restricted to the lower ranks, but no one in their right mind believes that Ministers Wagner Rossi and Pedro Novais knew nothing about it. Just because they're from the PMDB and not the PR?

One solution to the problem might be not to look for it so as not to find it. Hence, perhaps, the attempts to inhibit the work of the Federal Police and criticize the "excesses." But someone will find it, and if she doesn't act decisively, concerned about her support base, which is largely corrupt, the one who will suffer is President Dilma. It's a dilemma, but one that only has one way out.