Luis Felipe Miguel: Bolsonaro's ineptitude to govern is glaring.

By Luis Felipe Miguel, in his Facebook

A month has passed, and the former captain's ineptitude at governing is glaringly obvious. It's not just his unhinged right-wing ideology: it's an inability to understand the decisions that need to be made, to anticipate the consequences of actions, and to maintain composure.

An old criticism of electoral competition, generally framed in an elitist way, states that the qualities needed to win an election and the qualities needed to govern have very little in common. Bolsonaro serves as an extreme illustration. In a scenario of an imbecilized population, a massive disinformation campaign, the production of moral panic, and ruling classes terrified by the possibility of a victory by some far-left candidate, he has become a competitive option. But governing is far beyond his capabilities.

The movement for Mourão – on behalf of a military junta – to take the reins of government seems strong. His interview today in O Globo is significant. The general appears "reinvented," as they say. He has become a wellspring of moderation, dialogue, and tension reduction. Between the lines, he makes it clear that he is the one capable of steering the ship averting major setbacks.

In the most surprising response, he stated his support for the legalization of abortion, revealing a desire to distance himself from the more medieval sectors of the government. (In his previous response, Mourão had been forced into a perfunctory defense of the Minister of Women, Family and Human Rights. With his position on abortion, he cleverly marked a difference.)

For Jair to accept the position of Queen of England, limiting himself to playing with toy guns and signing documents, it's likely they'll turn a blind eye to all the clan's misdeeds. The little shop in Rio can operate normally and nobody talks about it anymore. Sérgio Moro, who (as The Intercept aptly defined him) has become a "foot soldier of Bolsonarism," would dissipate what remains of his spurious credibility to endorse the arrangement.

The most eccentric ministers, such as Damares Alves and Ernesto Araújo, would likely be replaced. Ricardo Vélez Rodríguez, who completes the trio of the most blatantly erratic figures, might have a chance to remain as a kind of sub-queen of England in the Ministry of Education, which is already teeming with military personnel. And a more reasonable government might make overtures to public opinion, both domestic and foreign, by changing part of its composition – for example, removing the environmental criminal from the Ministry of the Environment.

Mourão can dream of such a step because he is a legitimate representative of the new Brazilian military elite – which remains as authoritarian as ever, but is increasingly market-oriented and subservient to foreign interests. In other words, he has the support of major economic interests, whose priority is naturally the agenda of denationalizing the economy, reducing social policies, and undermining labor protections.

The name that embodies this project is that of Paulo Guedes, whose permanence as economic czar does not seem threatened in any scenario. He is spared by the press, but he is as unprepared as Vélez, Araújo, or Damares. He lacks basic knowledge of the position – he didn't even know what the budget guidelines law was. He doesn't understand that he occupies a position where he needs to be accountable to society, as shown by his aggressive responses to journalists' questions. He doesn't know how to negotiate; in fact, like the (market) fundamentalist he is, he refuses any negotiation and is deliberately blind to any argument that contradicts his sacred dogmas.

Mourão's leadership might give us a less bizarre government, but not a better one.