The CPI (Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry) searches, but finds nothing against Gilmar Mendes.

247 – Many members of the CPI (Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry) still question the possible ride that Minister Gilmar Mendes took on Cachoeira's plane, along with Demóstenes Torres, on their return from Germany. But so far, no decision of his has been identified that could characterize any kind of quid pro quo. Regarding the Attorney General of the Republic, Roberto Gurgel, the list of questions is long. This is what Luis Nassif points out on his blog. Read:

In the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry, nothing against Gilmar.

Don't think that the Cachoeira Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry is at a standstill. It has already broken the confidentiality of 57 companies, compared to 19 breaches by the Federal Police. And of 19 individuals, compared to 8 by the Federal Police.

There is a mountain of information being meticulously processed by armies of advisors, in conjunction with the Federal Police: three delegates are inside, analyzing the data.

The Federal Police broke the secrecy order in the last 6 to 8 months; the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry broke a decade-long secrecy order.

Over the past 40 days, technicians have been poring over the data to format its organization. More than 680 reports containing confidential information have been generated.

The Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (CPMI) analyzed the Cachoeira data, developing four main theses regarding its operational arms:

1. Waterfall-Marconi Relationship
2. The Waterfall-Demosthenes Relationship
3. Waterfall-Deputy
4. Cachoeira - Ministers of the Judiciary.

The analysis included 4 Justices from the STF (Supreme Federal Court), 9 from the STJ (Superior Court of Justice), and some from the TST (Superior Labor Court).

Although inappropriate behaviors such as receiving visitors and accepting rides had been identified, nothing concrete was found that could compromise them.

Few doubt that Gilmar Mendes hitched a ride on Cachoeira's plane when he arrived with Demóstenes Torres from Germany. But no decision of his has been identified that could be considered to have been given in any way that suggested a quid pro quo.

The CELG (Centrais Elétricas de Goiás) issue, for example. In one of the recordings, Demóstenes speaks of advantages when the case reaches the Supreme Court, with Gilmar Mendes. But the CPMI's technicians considered Gilmar's decision legally normal. It would have been the same if the Minister had been Celso de Mello.

In the case of the dismissal of the lawsuit regarding the legality of gambling, Gilmar's position was also considered normal, as he understood that the case was time-barred. When it was confirmed that it had not been time-barred, he resorted to jurisprudence.

Nothing was found that could incriminate other ministers whose names surfaced in the news. There was only the case of Laurita Vaz, from the Superior Court of Justice (STJ), who participated in a social gathering with Cachoeira. But she herself put herself forward as a suspect in a case involving the illegal gambling operator.

Strictly speaking, only one suspicious name appeared, that of a Minister of the Superior Labor Court (TST). But no labor case was found in which he could have acted to benefit Cachoeira.

Regarding the Attorney General of the Republic, Roberto Gurgel, there are significant doubts. No logical justifications were found for many aspects of his actions.

A benign view is that Gurgel would hold back investigations in order to gain political influence with various public figures.

In the specific case of withholding the complaint against Demóstenes Torres, one of the views of the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (CPMI) is that Gurgel did, in fact, consider the data inconsistent, given his well-known rivalry with Demóstenes.

Later, he likely used the retention as leverage in securing Senate approval for his nomination.