The Latin American right
Progressive Latin American governments have everything they need to strengthen themselves against a right wing like this. They simply need to prioritize the effective implementation of their social policies.
* Originally published in Major Card
The current Latin American right wing is an aggregate of several segments. Firstly, there is the traditional right wing, which includes newspapers and magazines linked to the oligarchy, those that were connected to the old primary export model, and those that supported the military dictatorships.
They took advantage of the reinterpretation of liberalism here, favoring free trade and opposing any protectionism. They are nostalgic, write rancid editorials, and express open class hatred towards unions, left-wing parties, Cuba, Venezuela, and Bolivia.
They exalt the conservative media as bastions of freedom, threatened by the prevailing "populisms." Today they express melancholy and pessimism about the current state of the world and, in particular, of Latin America and its countries. They adore the USA, from whom they always demand the harshness of the "Cold War" era. Their favorite refrain is about the risk that freedom and democracy are running.
The neoliberal bloc in various countries across the continent was led by other forces that incorporated these oligarchic branches of the right. These forces, originating from social democracy and nationalism – Democratic Action in Venezuela, the PRI in Mexico, Peronism in the 1990s in Argentina, the PSDB in Brazil, among others – were the agents of the neoliberal model on the continent.
Following in the footsteps of the French and Spanish socialists, and the British Labour Party, these forces organized a new right-wing bloc or simply moved forward alone in leading neoliberal governments.
Both of these approaches relied on the oligarchic monopoly of the media, at a time when the media occupied a central place in the construction of political and ideological consensus.
Faced with post-neoliberal governments, the right found itself out of power, with many difficulties in returning. These governments occupied a large space in the political field, leaving no room for another project with hegemonic potential. What to do in the face of the undeniable success of these governments' social policies?
Maintaining the right-wing notion that the resources used in these policies are generally considered "excessive" expenses, responsible for imbalances in public accounts, and poorly managed – which focuses on denouncing alleged irregularities and/or inefficiency in their application.
Faced with alliances that prioritize regional integration processes, the right focuses its criticism on the political and economic situation of Latin American countries, attempting to prove that the alliance with them is permanently threatened.
They cannot maintain – at least since the beginning of the economic crisis at the center of the system – their preference for a subordinate alliance with the US, Europe, and Japan. They therefore attempt to discredit projects such as Mercosur, Unasur, the Bank of the South, CELAC, and the South American Defense Council, without much success.
Similarly, the right wing has been neutralized in its aversion to the State, especially since the beginning of the current international economic crisis, when everyone called for state action to mitigate its effects. They then deflect their criticism from the State, focusing on alleged cases of corruption, which supposedly involve the State, as well as alleged inefficiencies in government programs, which would be better managed if they were centered on private companies and the market.
With these weaknesses, the right wing is unable to recover from the defeats it suffered in countries such as Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador. These governments were elected and re-elected, finding themselves in favorable conditions to complete their first decade and advance into the second.
Unable to secure electoral majorities, the right wing focuses its efforts on the mainstream media, given the admitted weakness of its own parties, and seeks to orchestrate new coup-like tactics, relying on the established media and the judiciary – when it still controls it.
Progressive Latin American governments have everything they need to strengthen themselves against a right wing like this. They simply need to prioritize the effective implementation of their social policies, their strengthening, expansion, and creativity. This is their fundamental basis of support and legitimacy, which gives them the majorities and the legitimacy that allow them to continue succeeding.
And at the same time, advancing regional integration policies – in particular the new Mercosur and the Bank of the South – allows these countries to better withstand the recessive influxes from the center of capitalism and overcome internal obstacles to build an alternative model of economic policy.
Thirdly, to reform the State and the political system in order to democratize the power structures, including the electoral system, the judiciary, and the media.