Why is the Sahel turning its back on France?

Sputnik - On Wednesday, Al-Qaeda* claimed responsibility for the horrific September 26 attack in Burkina Faso. Ouagadougou is scrambling to bolster security as the nation and other Sahel states call on French troops to leave the region.

"[The Sahel] is still under the oppression of different terrorist groups such as Daesh* in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger," said Dr. Mady Ibrahim Kante, professor at the Faculty of Administrative and Political Sciences at the University of Legal and Political Sciences in Bamako, Mali. "We can also see these groups active in Benin, Togo or even Ivory Coast. The situation is still difficult in all these countries. The Sahel still needs military and development programs (...) Attacks against civilians in these areas continue because there are different terrorist groups present in this zone."

The escalation of violence was amplified by the difficult situation in the regional economy and the food crisis, caused by severe droughts and other climatic problems, as well as the global disruption of grain supplies, according to Evgenii Korendiasov, principal researcher at the Center for Studies of Russian-African Relations and Foreign Policy of African States, Institute of African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (RAS), Ambassador of the USSR/Russia to Burkina Faso in 1987-1992 and Ambassador of Russia to the Republic of Mali in 1997-2001.

"So, in Africa, in this respect, in West Africa in particular, tensions are rising because we are seeing a reduction in imports of wheat and other food products that West African countries usually import from abroad, including from Russia, Egypt, and France, of course, and so on," said Korendiasov. "So, now, the food situation in West African countries is quite complicated. Even more so because local crops have failed to yield the expected results due to worsening weather phenomena, locust swarms, and so on."

Local terrorist groups and branches of the Islamic State* are exploiting economic hardship and food issues in African countries and intensifying their activities in Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, and Niger, according to the former Russian diplomat.

Failure of Operation Barkhane and Growing Anti-French Sentiment in the Sahel

Nine years ago, France reinforced its military presence in the Sahel to fight jihadist terrorism and halt the advance of Tuareg rebels in Mali. The increase in regional violence followed NATO's invasion of Libya and the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011. In August 2014, the French expanded their presence in the region, initiating Operation Barkhane and mobilizing approximately 5.000 soldiers in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad. However, the counter-terrorism initiative failed to achieve its objectives, as jihadists managed to seize large areas under their control in the region, according to Kante.

"France has been in the Sahel for more than 8-9 years," said the academic. "But still, terrorists continue their activities in the Sahel (...) The French have failed to achieve their objectives of fighting the terrorist group in the Sahel and West Africa."

Eventually, dissatisfaction with the failure of French forces to contain the escalating violence between Islamist militants affiliated with Al-Qaeda and Daesh began to grow in the Sahel.

"The French have not been very active in supporting anti-terrorist movements," said Korendiasov. "Their activity has decreased somewhat, and they have been strongly criticized by the authorities of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. These authorities demand greater involvement from the French army and more decisive action from the French army against terrorist groups. The French have so far refrained from doing so. At least they are not rushing to increase their activity, believing that the African national armies should increase their participation."

Furthermore, the French have their own policy regarding the Tuareg population, a large Berber ethnic group that primarily inhabits the Sahara in a vast area stretching from southwestern Libya to southern Algeria, Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso, according to the former diplomat. "The French don't want to exacerbate relations with the Tuareg, nor are they in much of a hurry. It's not in their interest," he noted, adding that this generates further criticism from the Sahel governments.

"Furthermore, French policy in Africa continues to bear a deep neocolonial mark, which, of course, has irritated Africans and complicated their relations with the French," Korendiasov noted.

The rise of anti-French sentiment can be explained by a number of reasons, according to Sergey Eledinov, an expert on African affairs based in Senegal. First, there is the global economic crisis; second, the post-colonial "Françafrique system" of Paris has largely discredited itself and is currently in a deep crisis, according to the Senegal-based expert.

"Since its creation in the 1970s, this structure has not been reformed, it has not adapted to changing conditions," said Eledinov. "And if we consider the Francafrique system as a complex mechanism for interaction between the governments of the former colonies and the metropolis, then France is held responsible for those it [once governed]."

The military operations initiated by France have not resolved the regional dilemma because they require a comprehensive security program and long-overdue governmental and social reforms in African states, according to Eledinov. At the same time, international terrorism always exploits weaknesses and conflicts between the state and society, he added.

To further complicate matters, the French were accused by the Malian government of playing into the hands of extremists and even supplying them with weapons. Although Eledinov dismissed the involvement of French authorities in arming jihadists, he noted that certain cases of arms smuggling may occur, either by some French military personnel or through operations conducted by French special services. "In fact, the most serious problem was the involvement of the French contingent in the creation of local pro-government militias, which quickly became an independent and separate side of the conflict," the Senegalese expert observed.

Anti-French protests in the Sahel

Meanwhile, anti-French sentiment and dissatisfaction with Operation Barkhane in Paris translated into popular protests and the overthrow of governments unable to deal with the terrorist threat.

Following the 2020 coup d'état in Mali, carried out by the National Committee for the Salvation of the People, led by Colonel Assimi Goïta, the nation's relations with French President Emmanuel Macron began to deteriorate, with the latter unilaterally announcing the withdrawal of French forces in June 2021. In late November 2021, Nigerian protesters clashed with a French military convoy after it crossed the border from Burkina Faso. On September 18, 2022, Nigerians took to the streets again. They carried signs saying "Criminal French army - get out" and "Barkhane's colonial army must go" as they marched in the country's capital, Niamey.

Meanwhile, in July 2022, a series of anti-French protests began in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, under the slogans "No to cooperation agreements with France" and "France is imperialist, tyrannical, parasitic, out." The unrest continued until August, while in late September, Army Captain Ibrahim Traore ousted Burkina Faso's military leader, Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Damiba, in the second consecutive military coup. Previously, Damiba had led the overthrow of then-President Kaboré in January 2022. Both Kaboré and Damiba were removed for their inability to stop an armed uprising by Islamist militants in the country. In early October, Burkina Faso residents held protests near the French Embassy in Ouagadougou and set fire to barriers outside the building.

Russia's role in Africa

During the recent protests, Nigerians and Burkinabe carried Russian flags. This phenomenon was seen by some observers as a result of successful counter-terrorism actions by Russian military instructors in Mali and the Central African Republic (CAR), where they were invited by the countries' authorities in 2021 and 2017, respectively.

"Mali asked Russia to help with equipment and training for Malian troops," said Kante. "Russia agreed to support Mali with these things. I think when Mali gets these things, we will see the difference from 2019-2020. Because Malian forces prepared to fight against terrorists in Mali. When we look at Burkina Faso, Burkina Faso is in the same situation as Mali in 2019 (...) It is important that the Malian authorities continue to collaborate with Russia."

Burkina Faso and other Sahel states also need training and equipment, but Western countries are not meeting their needs, mobilizing their own troops to maintain control over the region, according to Kante. The Malian academic argues that Sahel states need to diversify their relationships with security providers and cooperate with different countries in terms of military assistance. "[They] say we were colonized by France, so we have to listen to everything France says. No, that's not true," Kante emphasized.

A survey conducted by the German political foundation Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in April 2022 indicated that 93,5% of Malians were aware of the presence of Russian military instructors in the country, with nine out of ten respondents (92%) believing that the Russians would help Mali regain its territorial integrity.

"Russia's role in Africa is growing now," said Korendiasov. "First of all, they are attracted by Russia's independent stance in foreign policy. Many Africans see Russia as a kind of counterweight to the continued neocolonial pressure from France, Great Britain, and other Europeans and the European Union as a whole. And that is why Russia's independent foreign policy course, its defense of the principles of sovereignty, and its strong opposition to terrorist threats on the African continent—all this attracts the attention and sympathy of Africans to the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. Russian-African relations are currently undergoing a revitalization phase. As for the countries of West Africa, Russia is focusing on the problem of combating terrorist organizations."

The former diplomat elaborated that Russia is offering extensive national security cooperation to strengthen Africa's military and counterterrorism capabilities against terrorist and other threats. Russia has also expanded military and military-technological cooperation with African nations and is providing training for African military officers at military schools. Thus, it is not surprising that African countries are inviting Russian military instructors to provide assistance to their respective states, Korendiasov noted.

“We believe we need to organize our national armed forces more robustly in the fight against terrorism,” he said. “However, private military companies, in particular our PMC Wagner Group, provide quite remarkable assistance, particularly in Mali, in the fight against terrorist groups in northern Mali. This is why Russia’s authority in Africa is now increasing. Russia’s independent foreign policy and its willingness to provide comprehensive support to strengthen security and fight terrorist insurgencies – all this has attracted the sympathy of the African people for the foreign policy of the Russian Federation and contributed to the expansion of the economy, trade and, last but not least, technical cooperation.”

Meanwhile, solving the Sahel security dilemma requires a comprehensive program of national reconciliation, resolving interethnic and interreligious contradictions, and creating an inclusive government, Eledinov stressed. If Russia offers and implements such a program, it will gain serious political weight in the region, concluded the Senegal-based expert.

*Daesh (ISIS/ISIL/Islamic State) and al-Qaeda are terrorist organizations banned in Russia and many other countries..