Crisis in Paraguay and its regional repercussions.

The crisis generated by the summary deposition of President Fernando Lugo and the rupture of democratic order in Paraguay will surely not remain confined to the domestic sphere and will likely reverberate and impact the entire region. Latin America, which is experiencing a great moment of rise in democratic and progressive governments, also feels the blow dealt and repudiates in a unified and integrated manner the removal of a legitimate government, elected by the people.

This position is reinforced by the way Lugo's impeachment process unfolded. The "constitutional" coup, cloaked in legality and orchestrated by the Legislative Branch, occurred in a matter of hours, without Lugo having the basic right to a full defense. To give an idea, the process that removed former President Fernando Collor in Brazil, from its inception to the final judgment, took six months to complete. The haste in deposing Lugo was a clear sign that what happened went far beyond what is understood as a democratic state governed by the rule of law.

The reason given by the Paraguayan Congress for the trial and conviction of Lugo—the poor performance of his duties, triggered by a bloody confrontation between the army and peasants—along with the lack of evidence and investigation, highlights the absurdity of a coup that was already being orchestrated by conservative forces, who have always benefited from the criminal activities that Lugo had been fighting—notably, illegal trade, drug trafficking, and corruption.

Unfortunately, the internal fragility experienced by the Paraguayan president—who faced strong resistance from the beginning of his term to the social reforms he was trying to implement and almost no political support—prevented the popular reaction in the streets from having the strength to stop the ongoing coup. The delegation of foreign ministers from the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), sent to the Paraguayan capital to try to dissuade the conspirators, tried to stop the uprising, but found no interest in dialogue.

Challenging the legitimacy of Federico Franco's government—the vice-president who "willingly" assumed power—and the diplomatic sanctions that are beginning to be imposed are the forms of resistance adopted by Latin American countries.

The suspension of Paraguay's participation in UNASUR and Mercosur is awaiting ratification. Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, Argentina, Uruguay, Peru, Brazil, and Chile have withdrawn or recalled their ambassadors from Asunción. El Salvador has not recognized the new Paraguayan president and has proposed that member countries of the Central American Integration System (SICA) do the same. Trade restriction sanctions, such as the interruption of oil shipments announced by Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, are beginning to take effect.

These measures are a response to the blatant violation of the constitutional order. The UNASUR protocol foresees not only the suspension of the country that has experienced a democratic rupture from the bloc, but also the partial or total closure of land borders with the affected state and the suspension or limitation of trade, air and sea transport, energy supply, services, and supplies. But we cannot forget that economic restrictions have serious repercussions for the Paraguayan people, and we cannot punish them further. The foreign ministers of the Mercosur countries have already indicated that they will promote the suspension of the country from the bloc, without, however, applying economic sanctions.

On the other hand, countries like Germany, Spain, the USA, and Canada are classifying the coup as "normal" and recognizing the legitimacy of the new Paraguayan government, perhaps because they are safe from the more direct repercussions of this situation, unlike what is happening in other Latin American countries.

For our continent, it is not only the diplomatic and economic implications that compel us to redouble our attention when democratically constituted governments suffer an abrupt interruption like that of Paraguay. We cannot let this episode pass without an appropriate response because, besides being unacceptable, the democratic rupture in a neighboring and brotherly country constitutes a threat. We are well aware of the risks we will face if we leave a gap in this matter.

The favorable reactions to the coup from conservative political sectors in Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, and Venezuela, as well as the supportive tone adopted by much of the mainstream press in these countries, are revealing. Accusations without proof, such as those that ousted Lugo from the presidency, are commonly used in the discourse of the opposition and the Latin American media. Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela, in different ways, were victims of recent coup attempts, which, fortunately, did not succeed.

A decisive stance, therefore, is crucial to prevent further anti-democratic attempts in Latin America. We cannot condone what is happening in Paraguay, at the risk of similar episodes spreading across the continent. The hard-won struggle of the Latin American peoples for democracy cannot be trampled upon in this way.

José Dirceu, 66, is a lawyer, former Chief of Staff, and member of the PT's National Directorate.