It is evident that the chargé d'affaires of the Brazilian embassy in Bolivia, Eduardo Saboia, who on his own initiative decided to end the captivity of Senator Roger Molina, which lasted for more than a year, could not have done so without the knowledge of his superiors, no matter how much reason he had to be indignant about the situation.
He had the undignified task of forbidding Molina from contacting other people, and he watched closely as anguish and depression took hold of a kind of prisoner of the Brazilian government, thanks to a political decision by the Bolivian government.
The Bolivian government is acting exactly like the British government, which is preventing WikiLeaks mentor Julian Assange from leaving the country, despite Ecuador having granted him political asylum. But the Ecuadorian president, Rafael Correa, is making every effort to defend the right to asylum, while the Brazilian government, according to Saboia's own account, is collaborating with Bolivia, setting up a fictitious working group to deal with the matter, while time goes by.
While Assange gave interviews inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London, Senator Molina was practically being held captive. The Brazilian government did not adopt the same attitude when Manuel Zelaya, deposed from the presidency of Honduras within constitutional rules, devised a plan, supported at the time by Hugo Chávez, to try to return to power.
He used the Brazilian embassy for this purpose, where he held political meetings and gave interviews to the world against the new government. The subservience of the Brazilian government to countries aligned with leftist ideology knows no bounds and is usually linked to attempts at institutional coups.
Support for Zelaya didn't work because the Honduran people didn't want him back in power, but within the regional organizations they dominate, like Mercosur, the coup in Paraguay had the desired effect: paving the way for Venezuela's entry into the bloc.
The Brazilian government used the pretext of deposing President Lugo to reject that country's constitutional rules and punish it with suspension from Mercosur, allegedly to defend the bloc's "democratic clause." And who ended up being approved to join it?
Chávez's Venezuela, which, as former President Lula said, had "too much democracy." Having achieved its objective, Mercosur now accepts Paraguay back, but the one who doesn't want it now is President Horacio Cartes, who is already moving closer to the Atlantic Alliance bloc and says he doesn't feel comfortable alongside Venezuela.
The case of the Cuban doctors has the same ideological root. Cuba earns more from exporting doctors than from tourism, because the money from individual payments goes directly to the Cuban government, which then passes on a negligible amount to the doctors. Everything was already arranged, it is now known, more than a year ago, and the June protests were the pretext for implementing the aid to the Cuban government.
The Brazilian government not only accepts this commodification of people but also provides supplementary support: while the families of doctors of other nationalities can come to Brazil, the Brazilian government accepts that the Cuban government keeps the relatives of doctors sent to Brazil as hostages on the Castro regime's island. And, to provide further assurance, it states, through the Attorney General of the Union, that any doctor who requests political asylum will not receive it.
Far more important than discussing the quality of Cuban doctors, which has been criticized by Brazilian medical associations, is discussing the impositions that the Brazilian government accepts from its ideological partners on the continent, which leads it to abandon values that have always been predominant in our international policy: the protection of human rights and the guarantee of freedom of movement, which cannot be abandoned by a country that (still) defends democratic values.
He had the undignified task of forbidding Molina from contacting other people, and he watched closely as anguish and depression took hold of a kind of prisoner of the Brazilian government, thanks to a political decision by the Bolivian government.
The Bolivian government is acting exactly like the British government, which is preventing WikiLeaks mentor Julian Assange from leaving the country, despite Ecuador having granted him political asylum. But the Ecuadorian president, Rafael Correa, is making every effort to defend the right to asylum, while the Brazilian government, according to Saboia's own account, is collaborating with Bolivia, setting up a fictitious working group to deal with the matter, while time goes by.
While Assange gave interviews inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London, Senator Molina was practically being held captive. The Brazilian government did not adopt the same attitude when Manuel Zelaya, deposed from the presidency of Honduras within constitutional rules, devised a plan, supported at the time by Hugo Chávez, to try to return to power.
He used the Brazilian embassy for this purpose, where he held political meetings and gave interviews to the world against the new government. The subservience of the Brazilian government to countries aligned with leftist ideology knows no bounds and is usually linked to attempts at institutional coups.
Support for Zelaya didn't work because the Honduran people didn't want him back in power, but within the regional organizations they dominate, like Mercosur, the coup in Paraguay had the desired effect: paving the way for Venezuela's entry into the bloc.
The Brazilian government used the pretext of deposing President Lugo to reject that country's constitutional rules and punish it with suspension from Mercosur, allegedly to defend the bloc's "democratic clause." And who ended up being approved to join it?
Chávez's Venezuela, which, as former President Lula said, had "too much democracy." Having achieved its objective, Mercosur now accepts Paraguay back, but the one who doesn't want it now is President Horacio Cartes, who is already moving closer to the Atlantic Alliance bloc and says he doesn't feel comfortable alongside Venezuela.
The case of the Cuban doctors has the same ideological root. Cuba earns more from exporting doctors than from tourism, because the money from individual payments goes directly to the Cuban government, which then passes on a negligible amount to the doctors. Everything was already arranged, it is now known, more than a year ago, and the June protests were the pretext for implementing the aid to the Cuban government.
The Brazilian government not only accepts this commodification of people but also provides supplementary support: while the families of doctors of other nationalities can come to Brazil, the Brazilian government accepts that the Cuban government keeps the relatives of doctors sent to Brazil as hostages on the Castro regime's island. And, to provide further assurance, it states, through the Attorney General of the Union, that any doctor who requests political asylum will not receive it.
Far more important than discussing the quality of Cuban doctors, which has been criticized by Brazilian medical associations, is discussing the impositions that the Brazilian government accepts from its ideological partners on the continent, which leads it to abandon values that have always been predominant in our international policy: the protection of human rights and the guarantee of freedom of movement, which cannot be abandoned by a country that (still) defends democratic values.