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Against the secret ballot, Folha wants Genoino and João Paulo removed from office.

An editorial in Otávio Frias's newspaper points to the secret ballot as a decisive factor in the removal of Natan Donadon from office and calls for harsher punishment for the defendants convicted in Criminal Action 470.

An editorial in Otávio Frias's newspaper points to the secret ballot as a decisive factor in the removal of Natan Donadon from office and calls for harsher punishment for the defendants convicted in Criminal Action 470 (Photo: Leonardo Attuch)

247 - As expected, Folha de S. Paulo is reinforcing the pressure to end secret voting – without which, parliaments will be at the mercy of pressure from large media groups. The objective is to guarantee the removal from office of João Paulo Cunha (PT/SP) and José Genoino (PT/SP).

They deserve each other - EDITORIAL FOLHA DE SP


The Chamber of Deputies decides to keep in its ranks a congressman convicted by the Supreme Court to more than 13 years in prison; the House needs to abolish secret voting.


The fact that Natan Donadon (former PMDB-RO) was convicted by the Supreme Federal Court; that the highest court sentenced the congressman to more than 13 years in prison and that he was already incarcerated; and finally, that the reason for his imprisonment was the embezzlement of R$ 8,4 million from public funds, none of this, in the eyes of the Chamber, constituted grounds for revoking the congressman's mandate.

Strictly speaking, given the well-known deplorable habits of a large portion of Brazilian politicians, it would be surprising if the legislative body had acted differently.

Deep down, the population knows this. It's no coincidence that approval of Congress is traditionally low. According to recent research, the percentage of those who consider the performance of congressmen to be bad or terrible is at 42%, and only 13% consider it to be excellent or good. And these levels aren't even among the worst in history.

Given such low levels of popularity, any self-respecting institution would do everything to improve its image. But the deputies who currently make up the Chamber have made it clear that they do not hold the organization to which they belong in such high regard.

Not even the June protests were enough to make them seek more ethical conduct. The abominable truth is, in plain Portuguese, they couldn't care less about public opinion.

There is undoubtedly a degree of injustice in the generalization. Of the 513 members of parliament, 233 wanted to impeach Natan Donadon and 131 were against it. They fell 24 votes short of the majority required by law.

Since the vote was secret, however, it's impossible to know how each congressman behaved—except for the 108 representatives who simply didn't vote, as they, in practice, openly sided with Donadon. In the end, they are all equal.

These questions would seem absurd were it not for the gravity of the situation. For example, will Donadon keep his salary of R$ 26,7? Will he retain his advisors and his official apartment?

Most importantly, without a doubt, is knowing how the Chamber will proceed with the deputies who are defendants in the mensalão trial.

As long as secret voting remains in effect during impeachment sessions, the door to corporate influence will always be open. The Speaker of the House now wants to expedite the processing of a proposal that lifts this veil of impunity.

It will be an obvious step forward, but it won't erase the fact that the current legislature, of its own volition, has a former prisoner among its members. It's revealing, but it's still sad that parliamentarians see themselves in this way.