Azenha announces book about Globo's political engagement.

By Luiz Carlos Azenha, from Viomundo

My lawyer, Cesar Kloury, forbids me from discussing specifics about the sentence handed down by the Rio de Janeiro court that ordered me to pay 30 reais to the director of Central Globo de Jornalismo, Ali Kamel, supposedly for waging a "defamatory campaign" against him in 28 posts on Viomundo, all related to political criticisms I made of Kamel in circumstances directly related to the 2006 presidential campaign, when I was a reporter for Globo.

I remember: I wasn't just anyone at Globo back then. I had recently arrived from being the network's correspondent in New York. I was the reporter assigned to cover the PSDB candidate Geraldo Alckmin during the 2006 campaign. I heard, in the São Paulo newsroom, directly from the then economics editor of Jornal Nacional, Marco Aurélio Mello, that it had been decided from Rio that economics reports should be "forgotten"—taken off, was the phrase—because they could supposedly benefit Lula's reelection.

I saw colleagues, such as Mariana Kotscho and Cecília Negrão, complaining that the network's coverage of the presidential elections was not impartial. 

A prominent reporter from the network called the then Minister of Justice, Márcio Thomaz Bastos, saying that Globo intended to hand the election to Geraldo Alckmin, a member of the PSDB party. I overheard the call. Later, at the minister's urging, I confirmed what was also my impression.

Personally, I had a potentially damaging report about the then-candidate for governor of São Paulo, José Serra, censored. The report stated that Serra, while serving as a minister, had authorized most of the irregular donations of ambulances to municipalities.

When a production company located Platão Fischer-Puller, former advisor to Health Minister Serra, in the interior of Minas Gerais, who could shed light on obscure aspects of the minister's management during the FHC government, it was discouraged from pursuing him, while all the station's resources were allocated to denouncing PT accountant Delúbio Soares and former Health Minister Humberto Costa, the latter later acquitted of all charges.

I had a story to tell about Carlinhos Cachoeira — much later revealed to be the magazine's source. Veja for scandals of the Lula government — 'moved' from the network's most prestigious newscast to the Good morning Brazil, as the then editor Marco Aurélio Mello can attest.

In one particular episode, I was followed around the newsroom by a supervisor equipped with a two-way radio with which he spoke directly to Rio de Janeiro: the aim was to obtain my signature for a petition in support of Ali Kamel regarding the coverage of the 2006 elections.

I believe this constitutes workplace harassment, since the person benefiting from the petition was a superior and could promote or harm subordinates based on their participation.

I then argued that Globo's political commentator, Arnaldo Jabor, had said during the election campaign that Lula was comparable to the North Korean dictator, Kim Il-Sung, and that I didn't believe this stance was compatible with the supposed impartiality of the network. The editor's response, who now holds an important position in Globo's hierarchy, was: Jabor was the "clown" of the house, he shouldn't be taken seriously.

On the day of the first round of elections, alerted by a colleague, I listened to a recording between Federal Police delegate Edmilson Bruno and a group of journalists, in which they discussed how the photos of the money allegedly used by the PT (Workers' Party) to buy a dossier against candidate Serra should be leaked.

I found the topic relevant and reproduced a transcript — admittedly flawed due to haste — on Viomundo.

I was warned by phone by the current head of Globo, Carlos Henrique Schroeder, that I should not have revealed on my personal blog, hosted on Globo.com, information gathered during my work as a reporter for the network.

I objected: in my opinion, the recording was journalistically relevant for understanding the entire context of the leak, which occurred exactly on the eve of the first round of voting.

Disgusted by what I had witnessed throughout 2006, including the retaliation against colleagues—among them Rodrigo Vianna, Marco Aurélio Mello, and Carlos Dornelles—and particularly interested in learning about the world of the blogosphere, I requested the early termination of my contract with the broadcaster, where I earned a high-level executive salary, more than a year in advance, committing myself not to work for another broadcaster before the expiration of the contract for which I was no longer receiving a salary.

In other words, I did this despite the significant damage it caused to my professional career and my personal livelihood.

Despite the lies, inferences, and character assassination attempts perpetrated by the newspaper. O Globo* and associated columnists of VejaI emphasize: I have always lived off my salary. This website has always been maintained thanks to my own salary as a working journalist.

The purpose of the Viomundo Our mission has always been to defend the public interest and social movements, which are underrepresented in the corporate media. We officially declare: we do not receive sponsorship from governments or public or state-owned companies, unlike... Sheet, The Globe or EstadãoNeither from the federal government, nor from state or municipal governments.

However, there is a limit to everything. The lawsuit filed against me by TV Globo (specifically by Ali Kamel) cost me R$ 30 in legal fees.

That's not counting what I might eventually have to spend to defeat her. Now, think about it: what is the limit for Globo Organizations to spend on lawyers?

The broadcaster's objective, albeit through convoluted means, is clear: to intimidate and silence those who are able to uncover what goes on behind the scenes, precisely because they have sources and knowledge of the inner workings of the network.

I am the breadwinner of my family: I support my mother and brother, help my sister and daughters, and maintain this website thanks to money from my own pocket and the valuable free contributions of thousands of readers.

I've reached the limit of my financial capabilities, which is obviously not the case for Globo Organizations, which control at least 50% of all advertising revenue in Brazil, with equivalent political, media, and lobbying power.

During the military dictatorship, established with the support of Globe Organizations,  Sheet and Estadão — among others who would have benefited from the authoritarian regime — there was a strong attempt to stifle alternative means of information, among which I highlight newspapers. Movement e Paquim.

Today, through the judicialization of political debate, through a confrontation that takes a dispute between unequal parties to the courts, we are doomed to slow and gradual suffocation.

And, as much as this pains me deeply in my heart and soul, I must admit that we lost. Not in the political arena, but in the financial one. I lost. Ali Kamel and Globo won. They silenced, through their wallets, the... Viomundo.

I am certain that my dearest readers and supporters will find suitable alternatives. The truth is that... Globe OrganizationsOne of the world's largest journalism companies, nominally represented here by Ali Kamel, has once again imposed its information monopoly on Brazil.

I see them around.

PS from Viomundo: A book is coming soon, written by me with Rodrigo Vianna, Marco Aurelio Mello, and other witnesses—identified or not—narrating the behind-the-scenes events of Globo's coverage of the 2006 presidential election, in addition to portraying everything you personally witnessed in... 2010 and 2012.

PS from Viomundo 2: I will describe in detail shortly how The Globe They and their associates tried to carry out on me the traditional character assassination tactics of the Brazilian corporate media.