MPL, PSDB members, and the police - the PT needs to be bothered and to bother others.

What has been most striking so far in the student protests led by the Free Fare Movement (MPL) in several capitals of the country, notably in São Paulo, has not been the infiltration of far-right groups into the demonstrations, and even less the participation of the left that opposes the Workers' Party government, through the PSTU and PSOL parties, while simultaneously aligning with the interests of the right, as in the case of Senator Randolfe Rodrigues (PSOL/AP) who personally supported Judge Gilmar Mendes in the episode in which the magistrate, mistakenly and dictatorially, prevented Congress from legislating on the bill dealing with new rules on the creation of political parties.

Randolfe Rodrigues and other senators, such as Cristóvam Buarque and Rodrigo Rollemberg, behave like true fifth columnists, and, by conducting themselves politically in this way, they have shamefully rebelled against the institution of which they are members, the Senate, in addition to "tearing up" the Constitution, which leaves no doubt whatsoever as to the role of the Three Branches of Government. They behaved in this way to serve their own interests and those of Ms. Marina Silva, who urgently needs to regularize her party, Rede Sustentabilidade, which is just another conservative group with a progressive veneer, like PSOL, which in Minas Gerais almost fell into the hands of the right wing.

However, what really caught my attention was the São Paulo Military Police, historically known for its violence, as it has traditionally always behaved like a praetorian guard defending the class interests and assets of the São Paulo bourgeoisie. Along with the Civil Police, the São Paulo Military Police became emblematic in the country for its murderous actions in repressing militants from left-wing groups during 21 years of military dictatorship.

The participation of the Military Police in the excessive repression so favored by PSDB politicians is symptomatic. While in power, these politicians have always used police forces to repress social and popular movements, both in rural and urban areas, as exemplified by the massacres of Pinheirinho and Eldorado dos Carajás. These two events are prime examples of the numerous repressions carried out by PSDB leaders, a party divorced from the Brazilian people because it has simply distanced itself from the interests of the population and today behaves as a conservative political group whose politicians are seen as figureheads of the establishment.

Furthermore, I affirm that there is a certain strangeness in the air regarding the leaders of the MPL (Free Fare Movement) and student leaders, many of whom are linked to political parties, which is legitimate and natural, refusing to dialogue with the City Hall, as reported today by the mayor of São Paulo, Fernando Haddad, to the mainstream press. Haddad said that the R$ 0,20 increase had been announced since last year and therefore did not surprise anyone. The Workers' Party mayor also stated that the increase in the bus fare "is well below inflation," being the lowest in the last three years. The mayor also said that the increase in the fare by only R$ 0,20 was only possible because the City Hall subsidized the fare with budgetary resources of around R$ 600 million, in addition to making it clear that he is open to dialogue.

However, I remind the reader that the MPL has been questioning and carrying out movements since the time of Mayor Gilberto Kassab (PSD), a politician who was an ally of the PSDB and who is currently an important ally of the Workers' Party government of President Dilma Rousseff. Let's not forget, however, that the PSD is part of the political and party base of the federal government, in addition to being the third largest bloc in Congress, smaller only than the PT and PMDB. This fact is very important, because the larger the bloc in the Chamber of Deputies, the more television time it has to appear in political and electoral advertising.

Even after ending his partnership with the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) and being considered a traitor by the media barons and their journalists who act as mouthpieces for corporate interests, Kassab was never attacked with the emphasis and aggression that the sycophants of the corporate press dedicate to PT (Workers' Party) politicians. This behavior is due to the hope that one day Kassab will return to the ranks of the right, despite being an unreliable politician, as he has demonstrated throughout his career. For this reason, and because of this, the private business press never attacked the former mayor with excessive violence and "protected" him by hiding the Free Fare Movement (MPL) from the main headlines of their newspapers, which, evidently, does not occur in the administration of Fernando Haddad, a PT politician.

This reality is as visible and transparent as unpolluted seawater. Only those who refuse to see it, for political and ideological reasons or due to alienation, fail to see it. However, I assure you that I consider the MPL a legitimate movement and that protest, demonstration, and criticism are integral parts of democracy and, consequently, of the democratic rule of law, which allows freedom of expression and the right to make demands. In turn, I think the PT needed a shake-up in order to realize that economic and social reforms must be carried out and implemented more quickly, with less bureaucracy and greater political will to resolve social issues and conflicts.

Ultimately, the PT is a reformist party, and certainly not revolutionary, as many of its members claim, but which, at the moment, lacks an active voice and important positions to expedite and perhaps even implement the reforms so necessary for the development of the Brazilian people, such as agrarian, tax, and political reforms. These processes have historically been opposed by those who control the means of production, and who still wield considerable power and influence in Congress, the Supreme Court, the Attorney General's Office, the Public Prosecutor's Offices, rural and urban business confederations and federations, and even the Presidential Palace itself, which forms a coalition government.

Only fools and simpletons, as the conservative and brilliant Nelson Rodrigues would say, confuse the government program and the national project of the PT's labor governments with the established alliances that aim to make governability viable, which would be impossible in a country like Brazil, of continental size, and with regional and state political characteristics and interests. The truth is that these people don't know what goes on behind the scenes and behave like amateurs, in the sense that they don't realize that alliances are necessary to govern, without, obviously, the party and the ruler who won power tearing up the government program presented to the population, as well as forgetting their past, as happened with the former PSDB president, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, also known as Neoliberal I.

That is why people like Marina Silva, Cristóvam Buarque, Rodrigo Rollemberg, Eduardo Campos, Heloísa Helena, Alfredo Sirkis, Fernando Gabeira, Randolfe Rodrigues, Pedro Simon, as well as Pedro Taques and Álvaro Dias—the latter two being media-savvy politicians and habitual replicators of the opposition and coup-mongering headlines of the bourgeois and foreign press—lack credibility with the people, and consequently, their figures remain restricted to the world of the traditional middle class, as I have stated more than a thousand times, conservative, reactionary, prejudiced, and bearers of the values ​​and principles of the rich, who are tired of using it for their political and consumer interests, as well as equally tired of barring this depoliticized class from their black-tie, champagne-fueled balls.

Finally, I say that the PT (Workers' Party) and the PT government led by President Dilma Rousseff should open their eyes, walk the streets, and return to doing what they have always done: shaking hands with the people and seeing their reality firsthand. The PT and Dilma Rousseff's labor government must never hesitate, waver, or lose their resolve when it comes to distributing income and wealth so that the Brazilian people can emancipate themselves and never again be at the mercy of the heirs of the plantation owners, who enslaved human beings for four centuries or more. The PT is reformist, despite having, I repeat, revolutionary militants within its ranks and various political groups.

To abandon reforms in order to compromise with the lavish, wasteful, colonized, and subservient "elites," and thus avoid being the target of attacks and negative campaigns, are serious political and strategic errors. Those who gain power must be challenged, but they also have a duty to challenge those who have always had more power and who control the means of production and unproductive rural and urban lands. Brazil has a lot of money and can improve the lives of Brazilians. Inequalities shame the Brazilian people, who are the largest social group, the most important, the best, the ones who work and who want changes and reforms to escape misery, poverty, and, in turn, violence.

The MPL is right, but it must engage in dialogue and not be at the mercy of fascist groups, as happened in the demonstrations. The PT is an organic party, embedded in the main segments and sectors of society. For 11 years, the PT government and its allies have implemented an economic and social policy of income and wealth distribution, which is fought daily and fiercely by Brazilian employers, by the parties that represent them (PSDB, DEM, PPS and PSOL) and fundamentally by the coup-supporting press.

The media barons who, since 1930, when the labor leader and statesman Getúlio Vargas assumed power, have boycotted, sabotaged, and even colluded with foreign forces to overthrow politicians from the labor and socialist camps—a reality that came to pass in 1964 when they staged a coup and overthrew the labor leader João Goulart—Jango. The PT (Workers' Party) must fully implement its government program and, to do so, needs to expedite the reforms.

President Dilma Rousseff has the political strength to approve them. If the commercial press and reactionary groups really want to criticize and systematically oppose the Workers' Party government, let them at least have a concrete and tangible reason. The PT needs to step on the gas and leave the scent of the fragrant masses to the PSDB. These PSDB members have read about revolutions, but they don't understand what revolution is. The PT needs to be bothered by the people and social movements, and bother the rich and those who have more power. The PT was founded for this, because this is its purpose and destiny. That's it.