Aécio: "We have a country adrift, searching for a leader."

247 - Yesterday, images of the meeting between Senator Aécio Neves (PSDB-MG) and President Dilma Rousseff revealed two mature, civilized politicians, ready for a clash of ideas within the framework of respect and democracy. This Saturday, the senator's interview with journalists Mario Simas Filho and Delmo Moreira, from Istoé magazine, shows an Aécio prepared for war. And with a discourse, for example, much harsher than that of his opponent Eduardo Campos, of the PSB party. While Campos speaks of "doing more," Aécio points to a country "adrift." Check out excerpts below:

Differences between PT and PSDB

When I assume the presidency of the PSDB, my role will be to discuss an agenda for the next 20 years. And to show that we are the modern, efficient ones, those who value democracy. Backwardness, inefficiency, and authoritarian bias are the hallmarks of our adversaries.

State management and foreign policy

As president of the PSDB, I want to travel throughout Brazil to have this new proposal very clear by the end of the year. It must demonstrate that we are committed to efficient management, not to the excessive size of the public sector. That we are committed to a pragmatic foreign policy in favor of Brazil's interests, not to the outdated ideological alignment that causes so much harm to the country. That we are committed to the refounding of the Federation, with a fairer distribution of resources between municipalities and states.

Approval for Dilma
We are still experiencing a sense of well-being. We have a low unemployment rate and high employability. But there's a ticking time bomb that could explode at any moment. And our role is to show that.

Time bomb

I think there was a misguided vision. The government designed economic growth based on demand, through credit, but that's already at its limit. The Achilles' heel was in supply. We have terrible infrastructure for transporting production, the cost of doing business in Brazil is increasing, and productivity is very low. All of this is leading to a climate of uncertainty at a time when private investment is needed to compensate for the decrease in consumption.

Difference between Lula and Dilma

There is a growing feeling of weariness with this model that is in power. This is noticeable throughout the country. I think the PT (Workers' Party) has lost the ability to present a government project and has become content with having a power project. What drives Dilma's government is exclusively the power agenda. Those who govern Brazil are no longer President Dilma, but the logic of reelection. The PT has changed the agenda of the reforms for which it was elected.

Authoritarian bias

The authoritarian agenda. The authoritarian bias is clear in the numerous measures sponsored by the PT (Workers' Party). One restricts the investigative power of the Public Prosecutor's Office, another creates a reviewing body for the decisions of the Supreme Federal Court. And all this is coupled with a truculent and opportunistic approach that inhibits the creation of other opposition party forces. These actions show the government's enormous fear of political confrontation. There is also an excessive concentration of revenue in the hands of the Union, weakening states and municipalities. This leads to inefficiency and permanent misappropriation of funds.

Employment

What is happening now is frightening. When Fernando Henrique left office, there were 1.200 appointed positions within the Presidency of the Republic. Today there are four thousand. This is the logic of the PT (Workers' Party): patronage, the manipulation of the government apparatus. The logic of democracy is to have political parties at the service of the State. The PT reversed this. It put the State at the service of a political party. At all levels, the occupation of the government by allied parties is staggering.

Cleaning
The image was created that President Dilma was carrying out a major cleanup without taking into account that she herself appointed those people to office to satisfy the demands of the parties surrounding her. We have a country adrift, searching for an efficient leader.

Manager Dilma
The main infrastructure projects in the country are paralyzed. The Court of Auditors shows that 48% of the PAC (Growth Acceleration Program) projects have some type of irregularity or overpricing. The São Francisco River diversion project is only 40% complete, and the budget, which was R$ 4,5 billion, has reached more than R$ 8 billion. The Transnordestina railway had a budget of R$ 4 billion, is now at R$ 7 billion, and not a single train has ever passed through it. On the North-South railway, in addition to overpricing, we are now discovering that the material used was unsuitable. The Abreu Lima refinery in Pernambuco was budgeted at R$ 4 billion and will be a national champion: it will be the most expensive refinery in the world. There is no planning, the works are stopped, and the economy is at a standstill.

Inflation
Food inflation has already reached 14% in the last 12 months. And those earning up to 2,5 minimum wages – 90% of the jobs created during the PT era are in this income bracket – spend an average of 30% of their income on food. This is very serious.

Dilma's government trademark
The Dilma government has no defining characteristic. It's telling that the president is rushing to celebrate ten years of PT (Workers' Party) rule. This is a way of hiding the two years of Dilma's government: she's linking her two years to Lula's eight, when we actually experienced a period of greater expansion of social programs. Hitching a ride with President Lula is yet another demonstration of weakness. What characterizes the Dilma government is the legal uncertainty that scares away businesspeople. The world is recovering, but Brazil is being left behind. Where will investors put their resources? In a Brazil of insecurity, interventions, and latent authoritarian tendencies? The PT doesn't coexist well with democracy.

Closeness built with the PT in Minas

I confess that I sought this and, at a certain point, I saw the possibility of joint action to advance socially. I even built an alliance in Belo Horizonte with the current minister Fernando Pimentel. But the opposition within the PT was furious, even punishing Pimentel himself. The PT preferred other allies, and our differences became increasingly pronounced.

Other candidates

In the Brazilian political landscape, it's very good to have a candidacy like Marina's. It will bring important issues to the debate. Eduardo Campos' candidacy, which I hope will be confirmed, will also bring a deeper discussion. We will talk about regional development, the public management agenda, and federalism. It's the government that seems intimidated, wanting to win by default.