Camila Rocha: Authoritarian discourse and defense of the rich are weaknesses of Bolsonarism.

World Opera - Political scientist Camila Rocha, a scholar of Bolsonarism, predicted the persistence of this phenomenon in the Brazilian political landscape in the medium term, during her participation in the program. 20 MINUTES This Friday (June 16th), with journalist Breno Altman. In his opinion, authoritarianism and the defense of the rich are the weak points of Jair Bolsonaro's discourse. The left, on the other hand, has as its main horizons for combating Brazilian neofascism the anti-capitalist discourse, the fight for the environment, and the recovery of social and family ties broken by the radicalization and political violence cultivated by Bolsonaro supporters.

“When Lula says that it is necessary to unite Brazilians against the threat that Bolsonaroism represents, this discourse resonates more than that of love versus hate,” he states. “The restoration of ties is a broader discourse, because it is not just the left, it is Brazilian society against Bolsonaroism that is threatening everything.” 

Without real ties to political parties, Bolsonaro relates to his electorate in a new way, which Rocha compares to the organizational structure of the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), one of the largest criminal organizations in the country: “It has a kind of pyramid scheme, with the boss, his sons, some people around him. But, at the same time, there is a code, a common discourse that mobilizes the entire base. People don't need to ask for permission to act, they have the freedom to innovate.” 

This creates a more democratized base compared to the hierarchical structures of the left and traditional parties. “The fake news inquiry took down several channels, but it doesn't matter, because others quickly emerge, because the base is horizontal. If someone buys into the package of structuring principles, they take that and do their own thing,” he explains. “Eventually, that person can even achieve much greater visibility, and even profit from it.”

Camila Rocha is now launching Feminism in Dispute: A study on the political imagination of Brazilian women. (ed. Boitempo), which she organized alongside Beatriz della Costa and Esther Solano. The book includes research conducted among women who identify as conservative, undecided young women, and women who voted for Bolsonaro in 2018 and regretted it. The results highlight intersections not always perceived between political and feminist struggles.

According to the political scientist, the far right currently adopts two main strategies in its confrontation with the feminist movement. The first is to openly position itself as anti-feminist, and the second is to dispute the meanings of feminism and empty it of its emancipatory content and its fight against patriarchy. This does not mean that there is a Bolsonaro-style feminism: "It's impossible, because the issue of gender is one of the main issues for right-wing extremists, who create tension to go backwards, they want women to go back home. It's a reactionary discourse." 

The researcher notes that currently 30% of women identify as feminists and 7% as anti-feminists, which points to a significant number of women who support feminist struggles but are afraid to identify as feminists because of the stigmas that still haunt the movement.

Breno Altman cited the German far-right leader Alice Weidel, who embodies feminist demands such as abortion legalization and equal pay and positions, and asked if right-wing feminism can exist. Rocha responds, mentioning a self-proclaimed conservative interviewee who stated that she voted for Bolsonaro and is a feminist: “For these women, being a feminist means having guaranteed space in the public debate. They say that the president gives space for Michelle Bolsonaro to express her views. When he took office, it was the first time a first lady gave a speech alongside him.” 

A significant point highlighted in the research concerns the positions of conservative and religious women regarding feminism. She sees a shift starting in 2010, when internet access and the democratization of universities reinforced each other. "One interviewee said she learned about marital rape because she saw a TikToker talking about it," she exemplifies.

Women who identify as conservative value the fight for more rights and female presence in the public sphere, but they believe it's important to value the role of women as wives and mothers, and consider that feminism doesn't allow space for these positions. This is where figures like the First Lady, Damares Alves, Carla Zambelli, and Janaína Paschoal, among others, emerge and gain power. “Today, even the most conservative women understand that it's important to combat sexism. They know exactly what it is because they experience it firsthand. Many realize that Bolsonaro makes sexist statements, but try to downplay them and talk about Michelle.” Rocha explains that, among female voters who regret voting for Bolsonaro, there's a perception that the president's misogyny is not accidental, but a pattern. 

Religion influences women's positioning: "For women over 40, the Christian religion, especially evangelical neo-Pentecostalism, ends up reinforcing values ​​of submission in marriage, of the woman as 'helper to her husband'." This universe is complex and heterogeneous. Unlike the Catholic Church, where women only have space to be nuns, in several evangelical churches they achieve positions of power and leadership: "There is a very strong conservative discourse, but also a movement of female empowerment happening in parallel within the church. Many don't exactly buy into the conservative discourse and try to go against it." 

Teenage girls and young women appear in the research as being especially open to identifying as feminists and supporting the cause of abortion legalization. They may simultaneously follow Catholic or gospel influencers and the feminist singer Anitta, and consider them equally interesting, says Camila Rocha.

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