Gurgel, when silent, is either a prosecutor or a great poet.

The Attorney General of the Republic, Roberto Monteiro Gurgel Santos, if he kept quiet, could be a great prosecutor or a poet. However, he is a media personality, and when he sees a pen and a notepad or a microphone and a camera, he starts spouting nonsense. It's a matter of ego. Journalists from the private business press are irresistible to the "zealous" prosecutor when it comes to talking about the PT (Workers' Party), the Labor government, Lula, Dirceu, and Genoíno.

However, when it comes to discussing the PSDB's mensalão scandal, the Furnas list, the Federal Police operations known as Vegas and Monte Carlo, the ousted DEM senator Demóstenes Torres, the illegal gambling operator Carlinhos Cachoeira, and the former editors-in-chief of Veja and Época magazines from their Brasília branches, who were deeply involved with the gambling operator who set the agenda, the constable Roberto Gurgel falls silent, avoids the mainstream media, and becomes, in fact, an attorney general who handles matters of state with acumen.

He acts this way because, perhaps, he is investigating these cases involving the opposition parties (PSDB, DEM and PPS) and the media (Globo, Folha, Estadão and Veja), and therefore needs silence and discretion to, perhaps one day, make the appropriate accusations. While this whole mess is stalled, Gurgel uses his time (when he has time to spare) to give interviews, disastrous ones, it must be said, and contradicts himself, without, however, worrying about his inconsistencies; after all, he is the head of the prosecutors and therefore, apparently, considers himself an infallible being because, perhaps, he is destined for immortality.

His interview with Folha de S. Paulo — that right-wing newspaper that colluded with the military dictatorship — is an ode to incongruity, because, just as he stated at the very beginning of the PT's "mensalão" trial, which is yet to be proven in court, "The evidence against José Dirceu is weak." The prosecutor acknowledged it. So what? The point is to oppose the Labour Party even if the price is high and the Constitution and the Penal Code are torn up.

It's not that the powerful Attorney General of the Republic stated about José Dirceu, in person and to anyone who wants to hear, that “It’s not direct proof. At no point did we present him issuing a receipt for a specific amount or a written order from him for such payment to be made to party 'X', with the aim of garnering government support. We presented evidence that showed he was, in fact, at the top of this criminal organization.” It would be comical if it weren't tragic and didn't interfere with the lives of people who were punished with imprisonment without, however, there being conclusive evidence that irrefutably proves that the defendants committed wrongdoing.

It was no coincidence that this prosecutor said, I repeat, that the "evidence was tenuous." Gurgel knows what he's saying and knows very well what he's doing. And he does partisan politics competently, without, however, holding a parliamentary mandate, being affiliated with a party (I think), and much less going through the scrutiny of elections, which are tough and exhausting. The prosecutor was appointed from a shortlist of three by President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who, being a republican, fulfilled the wishes of the category. A great mistake and error. The positions of Supreme Court justices and Attorney General of the Republic are, above all, political and not technical, as the commercial and private press, of the right and historically coup-plotting character, hypocritically wants to demonstrate.

They are so political that the catchy phrases, accusations, and behavior of most of the Supreme Court justices undoubtedly had the purpose of putting the Workers' Party (PT) and the Labor government on the ropes, even more so when it comes to people and activists of the political and historical stature of José Dirceu and José Genoíno. Let's not forget that the presidential election is approaching, in 2014, and the Brazilian right wing, heir to slavery and one of the most conservative and cruel in the world, already feels hives at the mere thought that it could spend another four years without controlling the national state, and consequently, return to using it in a patrimonialist way, as it has always done throughout the 513 years of Brazilian history.

Political positions, I affirm without any doubt, must be filled by allies or by people who understand and are sensitive to the program and project of the leader who occupies the Presidency of the Republic and appoints his Cabinet. After all, we know what the political, judicial, and business right fights against, conceals, and confuses the population with through its hegemonic media, which distorts and manipulates facts and realities. The right does not, absolutely, want the emancipation of the Brazilian people. And it never will. Period. 

It turns out that the government program and the national project of the Workers' Party were approved and ratified by universal suffrage—the popular vote, the most important mandate of the Republic, of the democratic process, and of the democratic rule of law. Lula and Dilma were solemnly mistaken, and today they have to face a systematic and therefore irrational opposition media system that refuses to think about Brazil, whose men and women in the corporate press are colonized and have contempt and even hatred for Brazil because they suffer from immeasurable inferiority complexes, which lead them to the brink of incongruity, shamelessness, intolerance, and all sorts of crisis creation, most without evidence, as they are based on irresponsible inferences, empty accusations, many of them off the record, which, demonstrably, lead to nothing. It is the true and authentic gutter journalism, which is based on... miscellaneous facts. That's the last straw.

The constable prosecutor also told Folha that the "The 'mensalão' scheme was much larger than is known, and the Supreme Court's judgment only included what could be proven." What do you mean, paleface? Prosecutor Gurgel has five years to investigate and ascertain the facts, make accusations, and yet he leaves accusations hanging without proof? Is this a continuation of the "command responsibility" doctrine? A legal subterfuge used by most conservative Supreme Court justices to imprison people whose evidence has not, in fact, been proven. "Weak" evidence, as the prosecutor himself stated.

Furthermore, Criminal Action 470 is subsequent to the PSDB's mensalão scandal, which has not yet been judged despite having occurred before the PT's. Double standards. That's how things work in the Supreme Court, which, it seems, is guided by the foreign press that has improperly and surrealistically assumed the role of partisan opposition in Brazil. Is it something to laugh or cry about? The truth is that Roberto Gurgel's statements make it clear that there has never been sufficient and compelling evidence against the defendants in the "mensalão" scandal—the PT's. Anyone who doubts this should read the interview given to Folha by the Attorney General, a media personality with a conservative, right-wing political profile.

The foreign press alone cannot defeat the PT (Workers' Party) and the labor movement in the upcoming elections. This year's mayoral races proved this reality; after all, the PT will govern the majority of Brazilians in terms of population, in addition to winning the city of São Paulo. These people know this, and that's why they don't do anything without a reason. The alliance between the conservative judiciary and the press barons, the most backward and reactionary employer category in the Brazilian business sector, is visible. According to them, slavery would return, and the Brazilian people would never achieve their emancipation and autonomy.

Attorney General Roberto Gurgel is nearing the end of his term. President Dilma Rousseff must appoint a replacement who will work independently, but without getting involved in political and partisan whims. The truth is that the positions of Attorney General and especially Supreme Court Justice should be filled through elections. Supreme Court Justices should have eight-year terms, like senators. Until that happens, it would be wise for the President to appoint judicial authorities with progressive profiles. These positions are not technical, as the private business press would have us believe. They are political positions. That's the point.