Breno Altman: only the people can build a viable alternative government.
In an interview with TV 247, journalist Breno Altman provided a historical overview of the Brazilian military regime and analyzed the possibility of a new military coup; "I don't think there's a risk of a classic military coup"; he also emphasized the importance of popular strength in defending Brazilian democracy; "People in the streets, organized, protesting and rebelling, going on strike, that's building popular strength," he says; watch.
247 - Journalist and editor of the Opera Mundi website, Breno Altman, recalled the scenario and circumstances of the 1964 military coup during an appearance on TV 247 this week. He refuted claims that the military dictatorship was established to protect the country from a communist threat and explained the true reason for the military intervention in the government.
"It's a big lie, this story that the military coup occurred because of an imminent communist threat; that's false. Relevant sectors of the Brazilian bourgeoisie, the media, and the military had been planning a break with the 1946 constitutional order since the 50s. Basically, because the Brazilian bourgeoisie couldn't tolerate certain types of social and economic progress," he clarified.
Altman believes that internal factors within the country were more important than the international scenario and the United States' interest in establishing a military regime. "It would have been impossible for the United States to organize a coup d'état within any country without the active and leading participation of local ruling classes. The United States built alliances with these dominant sectors of the country that wanted to carry out the coup, but the leading role was not in the United States; the leading role was internal, a conspiracy of internal bourgeois sectors."
The journalist also refuted arguments that the number of deaths in Brazil during the military governments was lower than in other dictatorships in Latin America. "The repressive model in Brazil was different from that of Chile and Argentina. The capacity for resistance of the left in Argentina and Chile was greater. In those countries, there was a repressive model based on mass repression. In Brazil, the resistance of the left was much less, the left was smaller, and here they operated with a model called AVAD (Violent Action with a Defined Target), it wasn't about mass repression, a massacre, it was about attacking the leadership of left-wing organizations."
Breno Altman also assessed the economic legacy left by the military officers who took over the government. "The Castello Branco era was marked by a deep recession, by measures to facilitate the lives of banks, the remittance of royalties abroad, the lives of multinational corporations, and which allowed large international groups to acquire land and companies. A government that did everything to attract the international flow of capital—that was the logic of the Castello Branco era, which not only ruined the Brazilian economy but also deepened social inequality."
The editor of Opera Mundi explained that the collapse of the dictatorship was due to a severe economic crisis that led to a loss of popular support and the growth of social movements; at this time, former president Lula emerged as a major popular leader in Brazil.
"The civilian and military leadership of the dictatorship were coming to the conclusion that if something wasn't changed, that popular movement could end up becoming a rebellion and a popular and revolutionary overthrow of the Brazilian dictatorship," Altman explained.
The journalist said he doesn't believe in a military coup like the one in 1964, but that a military regime could be established in the country in another way. "I don't think there's a risk of a classic military coup; what exists here is a risk of a Fujimori solution. Fujimori stages an institutional coup, being the president of the Republic, using a certain interpretation of the constitution. The biggest risk I see is the Fujimori temptation."
Breno Altman concluded by emphasizing the importance of popular power in defending Brazilian democracy. "People in the streets, organized, protesting and rebelling, going on strike, that's building popular power. Without that, there's no chance of us getting back on track with history; the traditional right is incapable of getting back on track because it's part of the problem, not the solution. Only the people, organized with their parties and movements, can build a viable alternative government and power. It's a long and hard struggle, but there are no shortcuts."