A dangerous campaign

Yesterday I learned about the PSOL's public campaign "I Want Freixo as President of the Chamber." If I didn't know the trajectory and history of activism of the PSOL's leading comrades, always on the side of workers and the oppressed, I would believe this was the action of a fifth-column organization. I know it isn't. However, even so, it's more than an inopportune campaign; it's a dangerous campaign.

This also confirms what I have been saying: most of the Brazilian left has not grasped the magnitude of the defeat we suffered. It is not a temporary or circumstantial defeat, it is a historic one. We didn't just lose an election, but we initiated – or deepened? – the process of converting our democratic regime, however limited and flawed, into an open fascist dictatorship. We are experiencing this process because we are in the same countries that witnessed the rise of such regimes in the past. Fascism never takes hold immediately, although the timing varies. In Portugal, a long process unfolded, stemming from various internal crises within the parliamentary system of the First Republic, the growth of centralization with Sidónio Pais's 'New Republic,' but centrally with the coup of May 28, 1926, and the National Dictatorship (1926-1933), and finally, an openly fascist regime with Salazar and the Estado Novo (New State) from 1933 onwards. In Italy, during 1922-24, there were still elections and multi-party politics, albeit with strong elements of distortion that deepened until the qualitative leap towards the abyss. In Germany, Hitler's rise lasted less time, between January and March 1933. In Chile, the regime immediately became fascist with the coup of September 11, 1973. What will be the speed of the process in Brazil? It's a great unknown.

This historic defeat is even more profound than previous historical defeats suffered by the democratic-popular camp in the past, such as the dissolution in 1935 of the greatest historical opportunity for popular progress, the National Liberation Alliance, followed in 1937 by the Estado Novo coup, or the military coup of April 1, 1964. The expectations for reversal at this moment are even worse than during the business-military dictatorship of 1964, because unlike that time, when the State was then fascist, of a counter-insurgency type, but failed to disseminate a fascist culture, today there is a fascistization of the Brazilian masses. Fascist violence does not only come from the State itself, but from para-state sectors and the underworld, as we have already seen several examples in recent months, where the execution of Marielle Franco and the plot last December to assassinate Marcelo Freixo are notorious examples. Furthermore, everyday violence is encouraged by important sectors of Brazilian society, with the promotion of a culture of hatred, notably by neo-Pentecostal sects, which Freixo, in an interview this week in Folha de São Paulo, said are "a population very close to humanitarian values."

The nomination of Marcelo Freixo for the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies is legitimate. Freixo is an upright and combative reformist and, given his trajectory, deserves the full respect of Brazilian progressives. He could also be useful if he manages to build unity within the democratic field for resistance within the National Congress, as long as it is not arbitrarily closed or purged of leftist sectors. However, to fulfill this role, he needs to understand the historical moment, and that doesn't seem to be the case, as when he stated in the same interview with Folha that "I don't like the idea of ​​resistance" and speaks of his performance in office as if it were occurring in a normal situation, focusing on public security and tax issues. We are not living in a moment where we need a specialist to discuss legal issues, but rather a tribune in defense of democracy.

The dangerous aspect of this campaign is that it's being seen as a public mobilization during this dark time we are living through. It's true that even in the worst dictatorships we must use every possible avenue. For example, the presidential campaigns of Norton de Matos in 1948 (later withdrawn). And, especially, in 1958, the campaign of General Humberto Delgado, who received the support of candidate Arlindo Vicente, who in turn withdrew his campaign, and which captivated the Portuguese masses and shook the regime. Even though Delgado was defeated by massive electoral fraud, it was a historical landmark in the anti-fascist struggle in the country. In Brazil, the 1974 general elections were also important, as, to the surprise of the dictatorship, the opposition, the MDB, achieved a significant victory. This led the regime to institute the Falcão Law and the April Package, including the creation of appointed senators, to prevent another setback in the 1978 elections. Despite this, it was clear that the regime was becoming unsustainable.

Of course, these comparisons are not entirely valid, since the campaign for the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies is not decided by popular vote, but by internal dynamics. However, even so, if we were in normal democratic conditions, a public campaign could still be an instrument of pressure. However, we are not living under those conditions. Therefore, whether by a decision of the PSOL National Directorate or by the action of its communications team, which manages its Facebook page, launching this campaign publicly, besides being ineffective, as it will have no impact on the process in the Chamber, is dangerous and foolish. This campaign induces democrats who agree with Freixo to publicly declare their support, even placing a twibbon on their social media profiles saying "I want Freixo as President of the Chamber." This, at a time when repression is growing, when the regime is on the verge of collapse, means helping the work of political repression, which will thus have a veritable list of people to persecute on a silver platter. Right now, the focus should be on conducting politics and opposition without jeopardizing the safety of activists and supporters. We need to understand the times we are living in. Let's be sensible!