Another kind of unionism is possible… with women.

Being a woman in the current context has become, more than ever, synonymous with resistance. Let's take advantage of the month of March to seek inspiration from those who have always resisted.

In an attempt to contain any more institutionally organized reaction against the Pension Reform, Bolsonaro is now aiming his "revolver" at the unions and promising to come down hard. Through Provisional Measure (MP) 873/19, Bolsonaro wants to bleed the entities dry. As if the negative impacts of Temer's labor reform on unions weren't enough, the situation is likely to worsen with the difficulties imposed by the MP. For those workers who want to keep their unions alive, they will have to contribute via bank slip instead of payroll deduction, among other injustices.

Trade unions in various countries have been dodging attacks and seeking ways to survive in order to continue fulfilling, at least minimally, their historical role, which is to balance exploitative relations in the labor market. Whether we like trade unions or not, one thing is certain: if things are bad with them, they are worse without them. Trade unions, as scholars like Alan Touraine affirm, are the result of one of the first and most powerful organized social movements. They were able to bring people together around a cause, create a class identity, and promote social transformations that changed the political and economic course of many countries.

In Brazil, the "new unionism" between the 1970s and 1980s was the main force against the military dictatorship and became an international reference for what is now called "social movement unionism." This model is seen by several experts on the subject as a way out of the crisis that unionism has been facing. This is because, among other characteristics, it had the capacity to form partnerships with other movements and formulate policies and demands that go beyond the walls of the company. In other words, beyond corporate issues.

And what do women have to do with this? If social movement unionism is seen as an alternative to the crisis of representation, women are already involved in a union movement already in crisis because unions have historically been hostile to female presence. This hostility can be explained by women's late entry into the formal labor market, the wage cuts that this entry brought about, and/or because they were accused of dividing the working class with their so-called specific demands. This is all without mentioning the sexist attitudes that are also reproduced within the union movement.

Women quickly developed a recipe for survival in this environment and expanded the role of labor unions in partnership with other social movements, especially feminism. This relationship with feminism contributes to politicizing labor relations (between productive and reproductive work) and power relations, under the maxim that "the personal is political."

It is undeniable that women have been at the forefront of the main demonstrations in recent years, not only in Brazil, but also in the US with the "Women's March against Trump," in Argentina for the legalization of abortion, and with the bold general women's strike in Spain. In Brazil, women have managed to draw crowds to the streets, as exemplified by the "Out with Cunha" and "Not Him" ​​protests, and more recently, the women's protests against Bolsonaro on March 8th. And rightly so. There is no shortage of reasons to protest: we continue to earn less than men, we lack autonomy over our bodies, and we are the most negatively impacted by the pension reform.

In this moment of severe attacks against all critical thought, against freedom of expression, and against any form of exercising democracy, the Unified Workers' Central (CUT) faces a great challenge. It is the main labor union in the country and one of the most important in the world. To revitalize trade unionism, there is no miraculous or fantastical formula. It needs to look around and recognize the importance and example of organization that women trade unionists have built. They have not only resisted but have also expanded female representation in the union's leadership, developed partnerships with various movements, parties, and labor unions in the fight against all forms of oppression (gender, race, sexual orientation, or class), and, in a horizontal manner, continue to articulate with social movements throughout Brazil.

Despite the CUT (Unified Workers' Central) having parity in its leadership, women's participation in unions and other structures (federations and confederations) does not even reach the minimum quota of 30%. In times of political and economic crisis, authoritarian discourse, and fear, women's achievements tend to be the first to fall, because the maxim of "every man for himself" prevails. Those who hold power, who occupy the main positions, who control the union machine, have more power. Historically, women are the first to have to give up their agendas, positions, and resources in the name of unity and the maintenance of a union model that already shows signs of decay.  

The "social movement unionism" model, as the name itself suggests, proposes a return to the origins through more movement and less institution, more democracy and less hierarchy, more partnership and less protagonism, more social policies and less corporatism. We know that these are not easy changes to implement, but they also represent a new force for revitalizing unions and unionism. Women, by their very condition and worldview, are more attuned to social demands and more adept at embracing diversity, and they have given us an example that another kind of unionism is possible.