All power to politics

On February 11th, the UOL portal published a post called "Ten blows that leave Dilma on the defensive and 'on the ropes' in her second term"The post says: "If the political dispute in Brasília could be compared to a boxing match, President Dilma Rousseff (PT) would be on the ropes, receiving blows to the waist and, apparently, without showing any reaction."

The list makes sense, however, the solution isn't necessarily a strategic about-face, and in this article, I reproduce the UOL topics to enumerate proposed reactions.

1. The (never-ending) crisis at Petrobras

Defending Petrobras doesn't require knowing if wrongdoing occurred, who committed it, and how it was carried out. It's an immediate obligation for anyone who wants an economically independent country. Behind it lies the interest in opening up the company's capital to the maximum extent, preferably in the most profitable (and strategic) areas. This must be said to society without mincing words and without the mediation of the mainstream media. The line of defense outlined by Gabrieli is an excellent content outline.

2. Defeats in Congress

Eduardo Cunha was not a political expression of the "Return to Dictatorship" movement, the movement for the impeachment of the president, nor the expansion of racism/homophobia. Cunha was the result of unanswered and unreturned phone calls; of no-shows, impossible photos, a lack of interest in the demands, issues, and proposals of parliamentarians; of the unremedied cut of millions in budget amendments. The opposite helps to reverse the situation.

3. Decline in popularity

Generally speaking, society wants to feel secure, to know why the government opted for such measures, to know how the crisis will be navigated. Furthermore, there's the group of 3% who made the difference at the polls. They expect a gesture. It could be the bill criminalizing homophobia, it could be adapting pensions and unemployment insurance, but also increasing taxes on fortunes and large inheritances, to give the impression that everyone will contribute to the "war effort" against the crisis and maintain that cohesive social alliance. 15 minutes on national television cancels out 30 days of Manchetômetro (a Brazilian news website).

4. Impeachment

The Embassy may be testing the limits of this game, but the opposition knows that the PT (Workers' Party) has the strength and social, business, institutional, and international allies to react. What cannot happen is for this term to be used casually as if it were "good morning." The quickest way out of this is to present the political agenda and negotiate it. The Left Front, the one in the streets, helps to strengthen the best proposals. This role is better than just being a scarecrow for impeachment.

5. Fiscal adjustment threatened

In this case, the worst thing that can happen to the government's image is to declare any change to its original proposals a defeat. The first step is to recognize that Congress is a legitimate party to the negotiation. Then, for such an adjustment, ideally it should be negotiated with unions, employers, parliamentarians, governors and mayors, and the Judiciary. And, preferably, after having already made that pronouncement to explain the transition to society.

6. Summoning of ministers

It's not a problem for ministers to be accountable to parliamentarians. What's wrong is that this has to be an imposed obligation. Ministers must always engage in dialogue with capital-labor social representatives and social movements in their area, establishing clear agreements; with parliamentarians who work on the respective ministerial topic; and also hold preliminary meetings with governors, mayors, and parliamentarians regarding amendments that may fall within the scope of the ministries.

7. Funds for parliamentarians

"The Chamber approved the Mandatory Budget Amendment, which obliges the government to pay individual parliamentary amendments," says the UOL post. This is an opportunity to improve the relationship between the budget and amendments. How about a pact of planned objectives and goals with states and municipalities, with territorial scope within the states, valuing parliamentary bases, federal representatives in Congress, and intermunicipal consortia to compose this "menu" of amendments? 

8. Opposition leads political reform

The opposition controls the commission, not the reform. And it controls it precisely so that the government is forced to play along. Again, it is necessary to forge agreements and, on the other hand, wage the social struggle. Not with forms, but with Lula on the campaign trail. Nothing great can be done by the left today without him leading. And, obviously, with the president taking the initiative in reaching an agreement with Congress and sending a message to the country.

9. Media regulation and abortion

Where to begin media reform? Beyond the Franklin regulatory framework, which could be sent to Congress to open the debate, one could expand the "Voice of Brazil" program to television, suspend paid advertising by the public sector in the media, or reinstate "technical" criteria to diversify advertising for regional media and/or consider audience size for the distribution of advertising funds across major media outlets, including, in both cases, the internet, the prime target of the controversy; cut subscriptions to certain magazines and newspapers, treat journalists well, especially those who go out into the streets to cover stories. Small measures, big "business," without stepping on anyone's dead body. Abortion is another matter, but, like any agenda, it requires: 1) a proposal, 2) broad negotiation, 3) social dialogue...

10. PEC of the Cane

This is a great opportunity to open a dialogue with the Judiciary, especially with the president of the Supreme Court, about the judicial system as a whole, involving the legislature and society. Why should a Supreme Court justice retire at 70? Why can a local judge lead a national investigation with international repercussions, especially one with violent economic impacts? Why does the Public Prosecutor's Office have so much power? Why can the Supreme Court think it can set a legislative agenda? Etc., etc., etc.

Moral of the story: old "Pedro Caroço" (http://www.zedirceu.com.br/hora-de-avancar-e-consolidar-melhorias/) is right: "the moment now is to improve management, renegotiate the government coalition and move forward, establishing an alliance that goes beyond the projects under vote." Renegotiating the coalition requires including the vice-president, the president of the Chamber of Deputies, the president of the Senate, and the college of leaders of the National Congress, including the two from the government, in an "expanded hard core." Adding to this the presidents of the base parties, the coordinators of the federal delegations from the states, and having periodic talks with the opposition leadership wouldn't hurt at all.