The risk of military intervention is not a fantasy.
If military intervention does indeed happen, as the general suggested, and if it occurs with this same mindset, then practically nothing will change: politicians will continue to be seen as corrupt, the hunt for Lula will continue, Lava Jato will continue to have influence even in the Supreme Court, and Temer may remain in government, only stronger.
Under the title "Warning is Necessary," General Rômulo Bini Pereira, former Chief of Staff of the Ministry of Defense, published an article in the newspaper "O Estado de São Paulo" warning of the possibility of an intervention by the Armed Forces in the current "disaster" situation in the country, as he put it, should the clamor of those calling for military action "gain relevance." According to the general, those who took to the streets demanding military intervention "claim that the Armed Forces cultivate principles and values that they do not see in other institutions and that they would be the only solution to the current crisis."
Although the Army commander recently called those who call for military intervention "crazy," the columnist notes that "the number of those in favor of intervention is visibly growing," but it is impossible to say "whether they are in favor of direct military action or total and participatory support for a new government not elected by popular vote." He highlighted, justifying the protesters' position, that they "are middle-aged citizens who lived through the military regime and consider that period beneficial to Brazilian society." He added: "Because they share this view, they are joined by rebellious young people without hope for improvement in the crisis the country is experiencing."
While General Bini's observations do not represent the position of the Armed Forces, they cannot be underestimated. On the contrary, they should be carefully analyzed, as they may reflect the thinking of a segment of the military who, like all Brazilians, are likely closely following events in the country through newspaper and television news and, like many readers and viewers, viewing the facts through the same distorted lens as the major media outlets. This is clear when he says that "three hundred deputies made amendments at midnight to distort the anti-corruption measures proposed by the Brazilian people." Now, everyone knows that the measures, classified as "cretinous" by Minister Gilmar Mendes, were initiated by the Lava Jato prosecutors, not by the people. And many people were deceived because they signed the proposal without reading its content, merely influenced by its "anti-corruption" nature.
All Brazilians are obviously against corruption and approve of fighting it – hence the prestige achieved by the Lava Jato task force – but many are beginning to realize that the investigators are acting in a partisan and selective manner, only targeting suspects from parties they dislike. Therefore, the PSDB and PMDB members linked to the Temer government, accused of passive corruption, are excluded from the "fight," shielded by the "corruption hunters." Furthermore, those who naively signed the bill didn't see that it established, among other things, the extinction of habeas corpus; the legalization of informing, under the name of "reporter"; and, more seriously, the validation of evidence obtained even through torture, according to the prosecutors, in "good faith." It is clear that the Chamber of Deputies had a duty to amend the bill, which it can do at any time, even at midnight. This is because it is not obligated to approve any proposal, even from parliamentarians, in its original text.
While praising "the courageous performance of the first-instance judges," that is, the Lava Jato task force, the general, in his article, criticizes the Supreme Federal Court, where "there are serious personal disagreements among some of its members" and where he noted "the presence of partisan politics." He also criticizes the "fragmentation," by the former president of the Court, of the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, and classifies the high salaries of the Judiciary as "immoral." He also criticizes Senator Renan Calheiros for disobeying the court order that removed him from the presidency of Congress, softens his stance towards the Temer government, considering the involvement of the government team in acts of corruption only "possible," despite the numerous testimonies, and attacks the current opposition, that is, the Workers' Party (PT), accusing it of cornering the government and being "solely responsible for the calamity that has taken over the country." Finally, he considers all this "an unprecedented disgrace."
The general discussed almost everything in his article, but forgot one very important point: the piecemeal auction of Petrobras and the handing over of the pre-salt reserves to foreign capital. The military has always been seen as nationalistic, with some exceptions, but if General Geisel, who presided over Petrobras, were still alive, Pedro Parente would never have auctioned off the state-owned company. Parente defied the Federal Court of Accounts, proceeding with the sale of company assets despite the TCU's prohibition, but he certainly wouldn't have the same audacity if some general, following Geisel's nationalist example, had expressed his displeasure with the auction. Because if it depends on Temer, who follows the guidance of the PSDB party, Parente will finally accomplish in months what FHC couldn't achieve in eight years of government: privatize Petrobras.
Unfortunately, it's easy to see that General Bini follows the same line of thinking as the mainstream media, which is somewhat unsurprising, since that same media supported the military regime. Hence his veiled approval of the Temer government, not seeing him, but the Workers' Party government, as responsible for the country's difficult situation, despite being in power for over seven months. It's easy to conclude that if military intervention does indeed happen, as the general suggests, and if it occurs with this same mindset, then practically nothing will change: politicians will continue to be seen as corrupt, the hunt for Lula will continue, Lava Jato will continue to dominate even the Supreme Court, and Temer may remain in government, only stronger, because he has the support of the military. And Brazil will need a miracle to get out of this abyss and return to being the country we all desire.
* This is an opinion article, the responsibility of the author, and does not reflect the opinion of Brasil 247.
