What kind of country will we have after the crisis?

Making any definitive assessment at this point is simply impossible. The crisis is not yet over, even if the trend is already towards a return to "normalization," or whatever "normal" means in this country in turmoil.

Why did the coup government survive?

- From the beginning of the crisis – which centered on neoliberal policies and the handover of Petrobras to financial capital – the government made it clear that both the current president of Petrobras, Pedro Parente, and the price adjustment policy, which only benefits international "shareholders," would be maintained. It seems that, if the crisis were to truly jeopardize the government's existence, Temer's departure would be far more likely than Pedro Parente's.

- It was a dispute over the economic spoils of the State and, secondly, a dispute over the political leadership of the current coup project.

None of the forces challenging the government presented an alternative plan. Even the calls for military intervention and their pseudo-patriotism, which spread and gained social support, did not address anything central to current economic policy. The bourgeois factions behind the coup, for the most part, apparently still believe in the electoral process to legitimize their project. The proximity of the elections makes medium-term attrition more advantageous.

What problems remain?

The reason for the strike/lockout. The pricing policy cannot be changed without a change of government. It is part of the anti-national project.

The contradiction of the neoliberal project led by Temer became clear. In a context of economic crisis, it is not possible to maintain a policy of austerity and, at the same time, maintain a base of support from the domestic bourgeoisie. Financial capital made it clear within what limits the domestic bourgeoisie can operate, demonstrating in a crystal-clear way that this is THEIR government.

Other issues that more directly affect daily life, such as gas and gasoline, simply remain as they are, with permanent increases. The space that can be occupied by progressive sectors remains open. Who will foot the bill for this agreement in which the government scandalously committed to continuing to drain national wealth to financial capital? And what about the impacts of the billions in losses resulting from the shutdown? Existing contradictions have intensified, and others are emerging as a consequence of the crisis.
What about the right side?

- Fascist sectors have once again resorted to their destabilizing tactics. It is still unclear whether they possessed the strength they demonstrated from the beginning, starting on May 24th (when they dragged the strike and sectors of society towards the agenda of military intervention), or if they actually grew stronger over the days. The fact is that they emerged victorious. They will remain active in the coming period and are likely to be active not only until the elections, but also in the next government.

- The nationalist symbolism of the far right does not correspond to the submissive economic policies it defends. The left can greatly benefit from this contradiction: how can they defend the homeland while allowing the handover of national wealth, the privatization of Petrobras, among other things? How can they defend workers while denying policies that improve their lives? It is not a new debate, but it is becoming increasingly urgent.

- While initially the stance of sectors such as the media, the right wing, and even the government itself, was supportive, in the end they were practically forced to denounce the escalating interventionism and came out in defense of the elections. Even though we know that these coup-plotting sectors respect neither democracy nor elections, it cannot be denied that, at this moment, such a defense is important.

What about the left side?

- It got stuck in the debate between lockout or strike. At first, it didn't understand that its role was to engage in societal debate, not the strike itself (since there was no real attempt at support or contestation, it's impossible to say whether or not there was room for progressive sectors). Some sectors now say "I told you so," others lament the lack of contestation. The fact is that there were few initiatives that were insufficient for the contest that presented itself. It's true that conservatism was present in the strike, as it is in so many other categories, but as far as we know, it is precisely the task of the left to politicize and win over such sectors.

- He demonstrated difficulty acting outside of familiar contexts and situations. Furthermore, he has a limited organized social base and faces limitations in acting in circumstances where hours and days are crucial. He fears venturing into the murky waters of class struggle, as if he always expects an organized, left-leaning group to support.

And what about the military and security sectors?

- These people clearly played a double game. Despite the government's bombastic announcements of the use of force, in many places the support of the security forces was literally visible. The delay by the high command of the Armed Forces in firmly denying requests for military intervention was also evident. However, it is impossible to determine whether there is broad support throughout the hierarchy or whether it is diffuse and weighs more heavily in lower-ranking sectors. Even though they are aligned with the government, they also flirted with coup-mongering, testing the limits of their popular support.

The military forces have consolidated themselves as a political force with the potential to become a "moderating power" over the other branches of government. They make no attempt to hide their disapproval of this government. However, it also seems they do not want to risk a coup attempt.

Where are we going?

Without a doubt, the situation has changed; social forces have entered the scene. The October elections remain an unknown quantity; the central point continues to be Lula and the lack of options for the coup-plotting sectors. The government remains, but it no longer exists. It doesn't fall because a new arrangement at this moment is unfeasible. Fascist sectors have come into the open and gained their space. The left has been stunned. Social unrest, the despair of a country crumbling, are fuel for new social explosions. We must be prepared!

Free Lula!

Out with Temer and Pedro Parente!

For free and democratic elections!