How many divisions does democracy have?

Alex Saratt and Igor Pereira 

In the mid-1930s, the world was moving frenetically due to two or three reasons: the crisis triggered by the New York Stock Exchange crash, the rise of Nazism and Fascism, and the imminence of a new world war. 

In this context, the Soviet leader Josef Stalin, in conversation with the French Foreign Minister, described the following situation: 

"It is said that Stalin wanted to know how many military divisions France had, assessing its efficiency. Laval answered him, and immediately offered a new reason in favor of the agreement he was advocating; it was a motivation that was, if not foolish, almost childish: the pact would attract the goodwill of Pope Pius XII to Stalin, softening the Holy See, which strongly condemned the Soviet Republic for persecuting Catholics in Russian lands. It was on this occasion (May 1935) that Stalin asked Laval: 'Ah, the Pope! How many divisions does the Pope have?'" 

We revisit this episode to take advantage of Stalin's sarcastic question and ask, in the face of the escalating coup-mongering and fascist sentiment in the speeches and actions of the President of the Republic, what are the forces and conditions that the Democracy that actually exists in present-day Brazil possesses to put brakes and measures on the verbose excesses that contain destabilizing and explosive potential? 

In other words: "how many divisions does Democracy have?". 

Following Jair Bolsonaro's not-so-surprising appearance at an extremist rally advocating for the closure of the National Congress and the Supreme Federal Court, and for military intervention, where he delivered a speech defying the Constitution and republican institutions, a situation explicitly emerged that is worth noting: a wide range of institutions, organizations, and leaders reacted immediately to refute and condemn the presidential speech. 

The succession of declarations and the issuance of notes of repudiation, especially the Governors' Letter signed by 20 of the 27 state leaders, falls under what Renato Rabelo called a "Tacit Broad Front" and vindicates what Mário Fonseca, a communist leader from Mato Grosso do Sul, warned: it is much more than a simple declaration of intent; it represents, above all, minimum and basic commitments to the democratic question and a correct understanding of political articulation, although it is still far from suggesting a unified platform or agenda. 

In the overall picture of the divisions that are gradually coming together around Democracy, we now include the national Legislative and Judicial branches, State Governments, a significant portion of the liberal press, political parties of various stripes, a substantial part of social movements, progressive intellectuals, cultural activists, and the citizenry itself. 

It is premature to draw any conclusions outside the rigid framework presented, especially since the government side has considerable support and there is uncertainty regarding the President's stance: will it be a sign of strength or weakness? 

The president's strength today lies in symbolizing a sentiment that has been carefully constructed by the narratives of television, newspapers, and magazines over the last fifteen years. This sentiment is aversion to politics. This aversion first brought down the PT (Workers' Party), but the collateral effects didn't seem to have been planned. The "politics" hated today includes even these same television channels, newspapers, and magazines, and goes further, turning against parliament, the judiciary, and state governments. These sectors react, but still don't seem to demonstrate a tactic or strategy beyond the mere struggle for power. The problem today isn't really defeating Bolsonaro, but what to present in his place. 

The president's grotesque behavior creates the conditions for the formation of a new opposition. Democracy has proven capable of uniting political actors. But it alone is too abstract to unite the people. Politics needs to be able to reconnect with the people, it needs to act for the common good, whether in health or in the economy. 

There is considerable intelligence among all those who have already concluded that it is impossible for Brazil to extricate itself from the crisis, mass death, and authoritarianism while keeping Bolsonaro in power. It is urgent to organize all the divisions that have perceived this into a single bloc, a Broad Front for National Salvation.

Igor Correa Pereira*

Igor Corrêa Pereira is a technician in educational affairs and holds a master's degree in education from the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). He is a member of the state leadership of the CTB (Brazilian Workers' Confederation) in Rio Grande do Sul.