For new elections and a democratic and popular government.

When announcing his resignation on April 24th, then-Justice Minister Sérgio Moro also made a plea bargain, strongly accusing President Jair Bolsonaro of interfering in the Federal Police's actions. Moro made a plea bargain against his former boss – a specialty he acquired during the so-called Lava Jato operation – his preferred method of persecuting former President Lula. The Curitiba group understands plea bargaining very well. 

According to Moro, among the justifications for leaving the government are also the president's insistence on replacing the director general of the Federal Police, delegate Maurício Valeixo, and the constant requests for reports on the corporation's actions, especially confidential information from cases of interest to him, to protect his sons and his militia friends. Add to all this the extremely serious fact that Valeixo's dismissal bears Moro's signature even though he did not sign it. Several crimes revealed in a single statement! 

Among the accusations, to differentiate a government that respects the Constitution and the autonomy of its institutions, Moro acknowledged that the PT (Workers' Party) granted autonomy to the Federal Police, in a direct criticism of the political appointments made by Bolsonaro, but confessed that he conditioned accepting the invitation to become a minister on the guarantee of a pension for his family should something happen to him: yet another crime committed by Moro. The former minister, when a federal judge and member of the so-called Lava Jato operation, always defended the idea that, for a crime to occur, it is not necessary to actually receive the benefit, it is enough to request it. By Moro's rule, he himself committed a crime. The law applies to everyone. 

The accusations are so serious that, even with an ally carefully selected by the Attorney General's Office, Augusto Aras, the institution, on the 24th itself, requested permission from the Supreme Federal Court to open an investigation to determine if Bolsonaro committed the crimes of falsifying documents, coercion during legal proceedings, administrative advocacy, prevarication, and obstruction of justice.

In turn, in a statement on the same day, the president tried to defend himself against the accusations in a horror show, using vulgar language. Bolsonaro took the bait thrown by Moro when he said that he had long wanted to replace the regional delegates of Rio de Janeiro and Pernambuco, as well as the general delegate, stating that he wanted someone he trusted who would give him reports on the progress of investigations of interest to him, in addition to stating that the minister asked him to wait until November to replace the general delegate of the Federal Police, to give him time and guarantee his nomination to the Supreme Court.

The evidence of the crime revealed by Moro came on the evening of April 24th, when Jornal Nacional showed the exchange of messages, via WhatsApp, between Moro and the Bolsonaro-supporting federal deputy Carla Zambelli, in a conversation about negotiating so that the former minister would not resign and would make an agreement for Bolsonaro to nominate him to the Supreme Court. Moro and Zambelli, at the very least, practiced what both Moro supporters and Bolsonaro supporters condemn as old-style politics.

Bolsonaro is trying to transform the Federal Police and the Attorney General's Office into bodies defending himself and his family, given that investigations show strong evidence of crimes committed by his sons in the murders of councilwoman Marielle Franco and her driver Anderson Gomes. He knows that his son Carlos Bolsonaro is the coordinator of the digital militia that has been spreading lies since the 2018 elections, in a billion-dollar criminal scheme funded by unscrupulous businessmen. Why did the conclusion of the investigation into this criminal fake news network only come to light 24 hours after Moro's departure? 

There is no doubt that this is a dispute between two figures who represent the extreme right, fascism, extreme neoliberalism, conservatism, and authoritarianism. And in this dispute over the 2022 presidential race, both have committed crimes and will have to answer for them. In the militia fight, Moro fired shots and, at the same time, was shot at by Bolsonaro.

Even before the accusations made by Moro, Bolsonaro had already committed a series of common and impeachable offenses. The most serious occurred on April 19th, when he crossed a red light by participating in an event that called for military intervention. If that isn't an impeachable offense that justifies his removal from office, what crime does?

Bolsonaro rigged the elections with a discourse of fighting corruption and opposing old politics, in a clear alliance between Bolsonarism and Lava Jato. Today, he claims that old politics is over and that he doesn't want to negotiate anything. And, while fearing being ousted from the Presidency, he is opening alliances with parties of the so-called centrão (center bloc) to have minimal support in the Chamber of Deputies, which has among its leaders Roberto Jefferson and Valdemar Costa Neto, political figures known for corruption and patronage.   

Amidst the health, economic, political, and social crises, Bolsonaro creates a new political crisis every day and acts to evade responsibility as President of the Republic. In doing so, he seeks to maintain his social base and advance neofascism in the country, in addition to openly advocating for the end of the democratic regime and participating in acts in defense of military intervention.   

The government's hesitant attitudes toward the economy and healthcare during times of crisis are merely a reproduction of the same old policies. Just as during the election campaign, when Bolsonaro presented himself to his supporters as an outsider to politics, in the Presidency he makes gestures almost like an opponent of his own government, constantly creating a smokescreen to obscure his actions that harm the Brazilian people. 

Bolsonaro has adopted several coordinated moves, which he previously sought to consolidate institutional change in the country, that could culminate in a regime change towards neofascism. Let's not forget that two of his main bases of support were politically established through attacks on the rule of law in a broad alliance of the right and far-right, militias, and the Lava Jato group, represented by Globo, the now former minister Moro, and prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol.  

It is very likely that with Moro's departure, Bolsonaro's positive approval rating, which is currently above 30%, will fall to around 20%, the level it had before the stabbing incident. But Bolsonaro still has considerable support from US imperialism, a significant portion of the military, especially those who control the government, the high-ranking state bureaucracy (such as judges and prosecutors), the business community (the financial market just received R$ 1,2 trillion), the upper middle class, and some sectors of the working class, particularly those of a neo-Pentecostal background. We need to wait for the next polls and developments to assess whether Moro takes the middle class with him, which is more identified with the Lava Jato operation, or whether this group remains loyal to Bolsonaro.   

The question now is: with Moro's departure and likely plea bargain, is the path open for Bolsonaro's removal? It seems very likely that Globo, with the departure of its main representative in the government, will escalate its rhetoric and play its final card to oust Bolsonaro from the Presidency and install Hamilton Mourão, maintaining the current core of military figures in the government and bringing back former ministers Mandetta and Moro, thus continuing the current economic policy and attacks on rights and democracy. 

The policy of forming alliances in opposition to Bolsonaro must be conditioned by three dimensions: a commitment to defending democracy – which includes combating the Lava Jato operation, for example – a commitment to expanding the rights of the working classes, and a commitment to the freedom of action and organization of the left – which includes social movements, civil society organizations, and political parties.  

Faced with so many common crimes and irresponsibility, affronts to democracy and the Federal Constitution, violence and attacks on the people, there is no alternative but to rise up and bring down the genocidal government that is causing hunger, misery, unemployment and the death of thousands of people. 

The context in which we live is very serious. The country is adrift, completely ungoverned. As the popular saying goes: "when the ship is sinking, the first to abandon it are the rats." Moro shows once again that he has always acted politically. After persecuting Lula and convicting him without evidence, and interfering in the electoral process with the leaking of false accusations, he now feigns surprise at the negligence and crimes committed by the government he helped elect. From a false hero, the former judge is once again acting with only his political career in mind, since he is a pre-candidate for the Presidency of the Republic in 2022. 

We must not stand idly by while Bolsonaro moves toward the center in an attempt to remain in power, nor while Globo/Moro pushes for Bolsonaro's removal and for Mourão to assume the presidency. We must prevent a top-down pact among the elites to resolve the political crisis. Bolsonaro shows once again that he does not have, never had, and will never have the political, intellectual, and moral capacity to preside over the country. 

This is not about replacing one president with another. Brazil urgently needs a new government capable of confronting the new Coronavirus pandemic, the economic and social crisis, halting the advance of neo-fascism, restoring democracy in the country, and resuming the path of economic growth with income distribution and combating social inequality. 

Let's fight! It is imperative that we increase our resistance to overthrow the Bolsonaro government. To do so, we need to intensify pressure and grassroots work on digital networks and among the masses to alter the balance of power, even during this period of isolation. So that Bolsonaro's removal is not just a pipe dream, it's: neither Bolsonaro nor Mourão. For new elections and for a democratic and popular government.