Perceptions

The "perception" that corruption increased in 2023 under the current PT government, as supposedly revealed by Transparency International's subjective survey, is completely wrong. Just as wrong was and is the neo-UDNist "perception" that previous PT governments were "the most corrupt in history."

Quite the opposite, the PT governments extraordinarily strengthened the institutions that control state administration and intensely promoted transparency in public management.

Special operations by the Federal Police increased from around 6 per year in previous governments to approximately 250 per year during the PT (Workers' Party) governments. During FHC's (Fernando Henrique Cardoso's) two terms, such operations totaled only 48. Under Lula and Dilma, these special operations rose to 2.226 by 2013 and 3.512 by 2016.

It should be noted that, in Lula's first two terms alone, 2.969 public servants were dismissed for corruption, which averages 371 per year. And in the first 3 years of Dilma's government alone, 1.576 public servants were dismissed for corruption, which averages 522 per year.

The Comptroller General's Office, a source of public ridicule in governments prior to Lula's, has become an efficient institution that rigorously oversees federal funds allocated to municipalities.

The public prosecutor's offices and the Public Ministry were also strengthened during the first PT governments, and began to perform their functions with independence and efficiency. The unfortunate figure of the "general file-away-er" was eliminated with the selection of independent prosecutors.

Of essential importance was the approval, during the PT governments, of fundamental laws to combat corruption, such as the Law on Criminal Organizations. This law allowed those who were previously ignored in investigations to also be prosecuted and punished.

At the same time, with the creation of the Transparency Portal, the Access to Information Law, and several other similar measures, the federal public administration has become much more receptive to the "detergent of sunlight," to use the famous expression of Judge Louis Brandeis. An attentive and informed civil society will always exercise the best control over the State.

Clearly, this wide range of programs and actions against corruption and embezzlement has substantially increased the number of reports, whether substantiated or not, of corruption cases., which led to the false impression (perception) that corruption had increased.

The conservative media opposed to the PT, which admittedly acted as a right-wing political party, tended to reinforce this false impression, often exaggerating the scope of the accusations and, at times, presenting mere suspicions, some without any basis, as irrefutable proof of guilt.

Thus, Brazil, under the PT governments, did not experience a corruption crisis, as the neo-Udenists claim. Rather, it experienced a crisis marking the end of its historical impunity. What was previously swept under the rug came to light and was seriously investigated, even with all the distortions created by partisan judges and prosecutors.

Operation Lava Jato, however, caused immense damage to the fight against corruption by subsuming this fight into a deeply partisan political agenda, as well as a geopolitical strategy, which severely affected Brazil's sovereignty, the country's economy, and Brazilian democracy.

Recent governments, especially that of Bolsonaro, elected in the wake of Lava Jato, have also caused considerable damage.

Bolsonaro, as is now well known, has packed state institutions with his own people, including those responsible for controlling and combating corruption. Even the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN) got involved.

Lula's third government, committed to republican principles and democracy, unlike the Bolsonaro government, is reinvesting in the fight against corruption.

Finally, it is necessary to consider the clear methodological limitations of Transparency International's subjective survey. It is merely the perception of a conservative group, composed mainly of businesspeople and liberal organizations.

In other words, beyond mere perception, it is a perception with a clear political bias.

Indeed, Transparency International develops its Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) based on surveys conducted by private structures and NGOs and quite conservative organizations, such as... Economist Intelligence Unit, from the British neoliberal weekly The Economist,, the American neoconservative organization Freedom House, the World Economic Forum and large multinational corporations.

This explains why Transparency International largely ignores the truly large corruption cases associated with tax evasion, tax havens, so-called "tax planning," and unregulated financial speculation.

The great financial crisis of 2008, for example, was caused by a huge fraudulent scheme involving derivative securities. Banks and investment funds knew very well that it had no backing whatsoever, but they continued to expand the farce until the unsustainable bubble burst. The innocent population paid the price for this gigantic corrupt scheme. But this did not affect the rankings of the United States or the United Kingdom in Transparency International's surveys.

For the same reason, Luxembourg, a country accused of managing large "black box" funds, appears in the latest Transparency International survey as one of the 10 least corrupt countries in the world.

For these conservatives, as well as for Brazilian conservatives, corruption is only that which originates from the State and public officials. The rest is merely clean and squeaky-clean "fiscal planning" and the free speculation of financial capital.

Perception.