The visitors Bolsonaro doesn't want to see

A congressman who loves barbecue, the gaucho Colonel Zucco, brought a picanha steak and was chased away by Michelle. Tarcísio carries his anxieties as a wavering, moderate existentialist extremist. Valdemar Costa Neto just stalls and brings back uncertainties about the amnesty.

Bolsonaro receives visits that lack the strength and significance of political support, affection, solidarity, and the offering of perspectives, unlike those received when Lula was imprisoned. 

They visit Bolsonaro to say that things are bad. And there are those whom Bolsonaro doesn't want around, while the many factions of fascism devour each other for the sake of keeping their mouths shut.

Why don't figures like Nikolas Ferreira visit Bolsonaro? Alexandre de Moraes received the congressman's request in August, but denied permission, arguing that the visits are scheduled by Bolsonaro's defense team.

Nikolas wanted to enter as an independent party, even knowing that it is the lawyers who forward the requests to Moraes, and this has been the rule followed by the Supreme Federal Court. 

Nikolas' request for a visit was made on August 11, the same day as requests from other Bolsonaro supporters, such as Marcel van Hattem. Moraes responded as follows on the 12th: 

"The defendant's interest in receiving certain visits has been demonstrated through petitions from his defense requesting authorization from the court."

And added:

"Therefore, I consider the other separate requests for visits made by third parties, both through petitions and emails, to be prejudiced, as they lack any endorsement from the defense itself."

Nothing more needs to be added. Bolsonaro doesn't want to see Nikolas Van Hattem and other congressmen who have always been around. He doesn't want to know about isolated problems.

Why doesn't he want to, if Nikolas has always been by his side, even in Malafaia's truck on Paulista Avenue? Because Bolsonaro is now moderate in relation to his son Eduardo, Nikolas, and all those who hinder more than help if they are too close, while he tries to escape from Papuda prison.

Nikolas made the request on August 11th. On the 6th, he was at the Chamber's mutiny, along with 13 other colleagues, when Van Hattem occupied Hugo Motta's seat. They were identified as mutineers by Motta himself in a document sent to the House's internal affairs office, which included the names of 14 parliamentarians.

Nikolas requested authorization for the visit five days after the riot. He tried to cut in line as an independent visitor. Moraes informed him that he needed to speak with Bolsonaro's lawyers.

News circulated that the lawyers had filed, or were going to file, a request for a visit. To this day, the congressman remains an outsider, never having been received by the head of the criminal organization who is imprisoned under house arrest.

Bolsonaro may not want to know about Nikolas and others who failed and retreated after Sunday's demonstrations. Not now. He doesn't want to be seen as welcoming figures who fight for him but have lost their last battles. 

The leader cannot be seen alongside those who are or have been on the front lines of the struggles for the "Banditagem" amendment and the amnesty bill. Their image is that of failures.

Let them steal the flowers, kill the dogs, and try to break Motta's chair, but don't show up eating bread with condensed milk with Bolsonaro. Maybe later.

Bolsonaro wants Valdemar, Ciro Nogueira, Gilberto Kassab, and the "cleanest" right wing. But Kassab, always cautious, doesn't ask to see him, not even as a private candidate. 

On Monday, Tarcísio is scheduled to visit him. He may leave the house as a candidate or still undecided. And Bolsonaro will then have to call Ratinho. Who might not gain anything from being a visitor at a time like this. 

And if Ratinho fails, Bolsonaro will call Zema. Then, Caiado. In desperation, he might ask for Eduardo Leite. And at least he'll have the consolation of not being visited by Ciro Gomes.