"Commission by omission" is the criminal charge that keeps many fraudsters awake at night.

On September 8, 2021, the then Attorney General of the Union, Bruno Bianco, was one of the links that made possible an unlikely phone call between the president, Jair Bolsonaro, and his friend Alexandre de Moraes, a minister of the Supreme Federal Court. The other link was Michel Temer, responsible for passing the phone so that Bolsonaro could seal a non-aggression pact with Moraes and commit to following the principles of Democracy and respecting the Constitution after having said in speeches in Brasília and São Paulo that he would no longer obey orders or judicial warrants issued by the STF or, specifically, by the minister who was attacked. 

On July 5th of the following year, 2022, Bianco was sitting at a table with Bolsonaro, plotting a coup d'état in which Moraes would be a central target. The former Attorney General of the Bolsonaro administration and the rapporteur of the investigations that plague Bolsonaro supporters became friends when they worked together during the period when Temer usurped Dilma Rousseff's mandate – Moraes as Minister of Justice and Bianco as Executive Secretary of the Ministry of the Civil House. A lawyer, Bianco now works as a director at BTG Pactual, an institution that houses another member of the infamous "filmed coup meeting": Fábio Faria, Bolsonaro's former Minister of Communications. 

If he were a creature imbued with a genuine democratic spirit, if he were someone mindful of his state duties at the head of an agency called the Attorney General's Office, whose role is to defend the State and ensure compliance with the Constitution and laws by public servants (as are presidents of the Republic and military officers), Bruno Bianco should have acted proactively in defense of Democracy and the Rule of Law – and against the petty tyrant and his errand boys at the moment the coup-mongering video was recorded. He did not, he let his cold blood show, and today he is among those targeted for investigation for attempted violent abolition of the Democratic State. The charge that may befall him: commissive omission. He remained silent when he could have sought out his friend Alexandre de Moraes and told him everything, down to the last detail, about the outlandish and bizarre plan of the devilish captain.

Wagner Rosário, then Comptroller General of the Union in 2022 and currently Comptroller General of the state of São Paulo (governed by Bolsonaro supporter Tarcísio Freitas), was also part of the coup-mongering revelry of July 5th. This imbecile, who only held high-ranking positions in Brasília by sneaking along in the yoke of the coup-mongering military's puppets, Rosário was quite talkative during the coup meeting. He listed activities that could be carried out using state apparatuses to discredit one of the great prides of our difficult path to democratic reconstruction – the electronic voting machines and their much-vaunted inviolability. If he was at that gathering of scoundrels as Comptroller General of the Union, Wagner Rosário's moral and ethical duty was to denounce those attempting to corrupt Democracy through state apparatuses. He did not. So what did he do? He continued plotting against the electronic voting machines to look good for Bolsonaro, his idol. Now, he is sheltered and protected in the trenches of the Morumbi Palace, a Bolsonaro-aligned platform commanded by Governor Tarcísio Freitas, a former Army captain who owes loyalty to the democratic system that launched his electoral career. Omission and commission are also fully applicable charges against the former Comptroller General who failed to control the anti-democratic impulses of his boss and leader.

Now retired, General Freire Gomes, former Army commander, and Brigadier Baptista Jr., former Air Force commander, knew that crimes had been repeatedly uncovered at that fateful meeting on July 5th and also afterward. As members of the military chain of command of a crudely "militarized" government led by a bunch of irresponsible uniformed men like Bolsonaro, Hamilton Mourão, Augusto Heleno, Braga Netto, Paulo Sérgio Nogueira, Luiz Eduardo Santos, and Almir Garnier, the last commanders of the Army and Air Force of the tragic Bolsonaro era could and should have denounced the state crimes and the treasonous plots that passed before their eyes. There is a version circulating behind the scenes in Brasília suggesting that they did, in fact, activate some institutional apparatus intended to discourage the coup. Is this true? Who did they speak to? What measures were taken from then on? Are they among those being investigated by the Attorney General's Office for commissive omission? No? Why? To avoid sleepless and drowsy wandering through the footnotes of this script, General Freire Gomes and Brigadier Baptista Jr. should speak publicly and directly about what they saw, what they heard, and what measures they took. If they don't, they will remain together and mixed up with the central cast of the coup plotters, their professional trajectories dragged through the mud of betrayal of the Democratic Rule of Law, just like Bruno Bianco and Wagner Rosário.