The anything-goes attitude of Bolsonaro's supporters, the centrists, and Tarcísio de Freitas: they deserve each other.

The anything-goes attitude of Bolsonaro's supporters, the centrists, and Tarcísio de Freitas: they deserve each other.

I begin this text with the utmost indignation that thousands of Brazilians surely felt upon witnessing the recent events in the Chamber of Deputies. Parliamentarians devoid of ethics justified the approval of unconstitutional proposals with unsustainable arguments, orchestrated in a shady deal.  

The composition of Congress, with a majority of far-right and uncivilized right-wing parliamentarians engaged in "quid pro quo" politics, largely made up of businesspeople and some involved in shady dealings, as well as outsiders linked to the Bolsonaro underground, is the most unqualified in recent years. Parties that should be dissolved for their numerous irregularities remain prominent in the current political climate. They act solely to defend corporate interests, such as amnesty for those who orchestrated the coup against democracy, particularly the convicted former president of the Republic.

They produce nothing to benefit the people and the country. They use the party fund, a 100% public resource, to support some of their members through exorbitant sums, such as those allocated to Michele Bolsonaro, who holds the position of president of PL Mulher (Women's Liberal Party), in addition to the rent for the mansion where she lives with her husband, who is currently under house arrest.

The "anything goes" attitude in the Chamber of Deputies, through Bolsonaro-supporting parliamentarians and the centrist bloc, has never been so vile and contrary to the interests of the Brazilian people. On Tuesday (September 16th), Hugo Motta (Republicanos-PB), absolutely manipulable and held hostage by these segments for fear of losing the presidency of the House, scheduled the shameful Proposed Amendment to the Constitution - PEC of Prerogatives, (popularly known as the PEC of impunity or banditry). 

This proposal grants judicial protection to members of parliament. Among other absurdities, it requires congressional approval to initiate proceedings against parliamentarians and allows members of parliament to block the arrest of colleagues ordered by the courts through a secret vote. Even in the final minutes of this outrageous act, privileged jurisdiction was added for party presidents, an extremely suspicious addition. 

The proposal, although blatantly unconstitutional, was approved in the first round by 353 votes to 134 and, in the second round, by 344 votes to 133. It is important to remember that this PEC, which shames the history of the Federal Chamber, was negotiated by Arthur Lira (PP-AL) in exchange for the vacating of the Board of Directors' table by Bolsonaro's and centrist deputies, in protest against the house arrest of the former president of the Republic.

Beyond this unacceptable aggression of overprotecting parliamentarians against potential criminal charges, such as the recurring misappropriation of funds and involvement with organized crime, they act in defiance of the necessary transparency regarding matters of public interest. This current cursed and hostile caste fails to prioritize essential projects, which have been languishing in Hugo Motta's drawer for months, such as those dealing with tax exemptions for those earning up to five thousand reais, the "People's Gas" program, the taxation of the wealthiest, the end of the 6x1 work schedule, among others, in order to prioritize agendas that shield their malpractice.

As if the approval of the "impunity amendment" wasn't enough, the PL party officially appointed Congressman Eduardo Bolsonaro (PL-SP) as the new Minority Leader in the Chamber of Deputies on the same Tuesday, with the purpose of ensuring the continuation of his mandate—an absolutely illegal measure. This decision was based on a 2015 Chamber precedent that exempts parliamentarians from registering their presence when acting as party leaders. Thus, Eduardo Bolsonaro will be able to exercise his mandate abroad, paid for by the Brazilian people, while conspiring with a foreign government for more sanctions against Brazil. This intention, led by Sóstenes Cavalcante (PL-RJ), the obscurantist voice of Silas Malafaia and the Bolsonaro supporters in the Chamber, will depend on the approval of Hugo Motta. He should have immediately blocked this absurd measure, in his capacity as Speaker of the House. However, what can be expected from someone who habitually fails to honor agreements?  

The avalanche of legislative sessions to approve projects that are blatantly contrary to the interests of the Brazilian people continued on Wednesday (September 17th). The urgent request for the bill concerning amnesty for those involved in coup attempts against the rule of law was approved by 311 votes in favor, 163 against, and seven abstentions. The hypocritical justification is that the amnesty proposal, now called Dosimetry, will pacify the country. A country can only be pacified with the proper condemnation of those who dare to stage coups against democracy and the rights of the people. 

Even more absurd was witnessing figures directly linked to the coup-plotting past, such as Michel Temer and Aécio Neves, assuming a central role in orchestrating this proposal.

In the face of these absurd and unacceptable movements, the figure of the governor of São Paulo, Tarcísio de Freitas (Republicanos-SP), emerges. He is a far-right, Bolsonaro-supporting politician and the candidate chosen by the financial elite. His political "anything goes" approach serves the interests of Faria Lima (a wealthy financial district in São Paulo) and the centrist bloc. He also has the support of the self-serving corporate media, controlled by financial groups and families that have held a monopoly on communication in Brazil for decades. These conglomerates are acting in an orchestrated manner to make Tarcísio's candidacy for president in 2027 viable.

On September 7th, on the eve of his trial for the coup plot and seeking to boost his chances of winning the presidency, Tarcísio de Freitas dropped his pretense of being palatable. He attacked Minister Alexandre de Moraes, calling him a tyrant. He defended a broad, general, and unrestricted amnesty, aiming to bolster his presidential candidacy in 2026 among Bolsonaro supporters. However, his effusive statements were not well received by his future supporters, especially the financial elite and other allies.

The same Faria Lima (a wealthy financial district in São Paulo) and the corporate media that once considered it "a difficult choice" between a university professor with successful administrative experience and impeccable conduct, Fernando Haddad, and a politician with despicable moral and ethical conduct, openly attested to by his peers in the Federal Chamber, were frustrated by their inability to tame him. Even though they profited from the shortcomings of his government team, composed of the financial speculator, Economy Minister Paulo Guedes, the "cattle herder," Environment Minister Ricardo Salles, the inept Health Minister Eduardo Pazuello, and other disasters who occupied essential ministries, the shame over their support, however belated, prevented him from winning re-election. 

In the 2022 election, the financial elite, harmful political figures, the conservative media, and other reactionary sectors gave a truce to the progressive government project. However, this truce was short-lived. Despite strong pressure from an excessive opposition and repeated clashes with the Trump administration regarding national sovereignty, the current government has achieved consistent and sustainable results in several areas. Uncomfortable with these advances, the same groups opposed to progressive governments are now plotting to install the governor of São Paulo as president in 2027.  

Captain Tarcísio de Freitas, in an attempt to balance between two camps for electoral purposes, on one hand appeals to the most radical Bolsonaro wing, attacking the Supreme Federal Court and insinuating political persecution against Jair Bolsonaro, convicted by a majority of the ministers of the Supreme Court's First Panel. In doing so, he keeps alive the victimhood narrative that mobilizes the far-right Bolsonaro supporters. On the other hand, he pleases the financial elite and large economic groups, leading a government that privatizes essential goods and services, dismantles the social role of the State, and serves the interests of those who have always profited at the expense of the majority of the people. This stance reveals not only opportunism but also hypocrisy. While presenting himself as a modern and efficient manager, Tarcísio governs in line with market ideology, ignoring the fact that handing over strategic services to the private sector makes life more precarious for the population, especially the poorest. His administration has also been marked by scandals, such as the billion-dollar case involving Ultrafarma and the management of the company Fast, which revealed a corruption scheme within the São Paulo tax collection system. Regarding this issue, state deputy Paulo Fiorilo (PT) emphasized that the Palácio dos Bandeirantes (São Paulo state government headquarters) politically shields certain leaders, at the expense of firm action against corruption. 

Tarcísio also faces problems with the state's public security, which is extremely violent towards the Black, poor, and marginalized population, but unprepared to protect police officers, as criticized by the São Paulo State Police Delegates Union regarding the execution of delegate Ruy Fontes by the PCC (First Command of the Capital). The organization mentioned that the Civil Police needs to be valued with investments in physical infrastructure and increased personnel to better combat organized crime. It would certainly be more useful to the people of São Paulo if the governor stopped shirking his responsibilities, abandoned his campaign platform as the heir to Bolsonaro's legacy, and seriously confronted the failures of his administration.

In light of the recent horrors approved in the Chamber of Deputies—the amendment granting impunity, the urgent request for amnesty for coup plotters, the maneuver to save the mandate of Eduardo Bolsonaro, who is in self-imposed exile in the US, coupled with the hypocrisy of Tarcísio de Freitas and his presidential ambitions—it is up to the Brazilian people to understand the gravity of the moment and not repeat the mistakes that opened the door for the rise of bad politicians. The risk is not only internal; the next elections will be heavily influenced by the financial elite, the corporate media, and possibly foreign interests aligned with the Trump administration, determined to reinstate a submissive and anti-national government in the Planalto Palace.

The 2026 election, therefore, will not only be between distinct political projects, but between two paths for Brazil: on one side, the re-election of a democratic and progressive government that, through work, job creation, wage increases, and international recognition, has placed the country among the ten largest economies in the world; on the other, a re-edited Bolsonaro project, disguised under the figure of Tarcísio, subservient to the United States and incapable of defending national sovereignty. According to the latest Genial Quaest poll, President Lula leads in all scenarios for 2027, a reflection of concrete achievements that improve the lives of the people. This time, the choice will not be difficult. On the contrary, it will be decisive in protecting democracy, sovereignty, and the future of Brazil.