The PT and the unamendable clause of the coup.

The Workers' Party cannot emerge victorious from the 2018 elections – this is a fundamental clause of the coup. This is the reason for the impunity of all abuses, and even the opposition fears to speak about it. The intention to electorally liquidate the Workers' Party would be materialized by exposing allegedly suspicious individuals to cinematic repressive actions, with exceptional media coverage. Those associated with the Lava Jato task force were betting on the fluid nature of the Brazilian elites. With the investigation consecrated as an immaculate siege against political immorality, no one would challenge the accusation of complicity with corruption, criticizing the way of working inaugurated by the prosecutors or the audacity of Judge Sergio Moro. They hit the nail on the head. Today, the economic, political, and legal elites are putting on embarrassing displays of cowardice, poorly disguised in convoluted technical language. I believe that the business majority supports it out of self-interest, the minority out of cowardice; The politicians, in their vast majority, applaud due to a historical pattern of self-interest and cowardice, in varying degrees. And the Brazilian legal elite, servile as usual, to the last atom of their transfigured soul.

But the dose has been insufficient, and after so much arbitrariness, the usurpers of executive power, those entrenched in the bureaucracy, the cowering judges, and, directly, those associated with the violence of Lava Jato, will have no convincing legal subterfuge to protect them, in an outcome contrary to the plan. Therefore, the tacit decision of prosecutors, the Public Prosecutor's Office, the higher instances of the legal apparatus, the Executive, the Legislative, and the press, is radical and unwavering: the PT cannot, under any circumstances, emerge victorious from the 2018 elections. As long as there is time, the multiple offshoot investigations, using the same methodology, will seek to mask the legal tyranny with aberrant narratives, certain of the effectiveness of the press in the task of agitation and propaganda. The main story will repeat daily the slander that the largest party representing the popular classes was the patron of a gigantic assault on the Nation's resources.

Sergio Moro chose to ignore the fact that the network of marketing strategists held the facts in their grasp. They were aware of the legislation imposed by the Superior Electoral Court, compelling parties, in practice, to fabricate resources, via slush funds, to cover the extortionate budgets of the campaigns. With slush funds, an electoral crime, opportunities arose for properly criminal illegalities. But the bulk of the electoral crimes, millions of reais illegally obtained, ended up in the bank accounts of the marketing strategists, a crime cataloged in numerous categories of the Penal Code. The exorbitant budgets, exploiting the opportunity for extortion created by the legislation (basically, television time as electoral currency + authorization for mammoth coalitions + prohibition of a common fund of resources = slush funds), are at the origin of most of the crimes committed. But, as beneficiaries of the smuggled fortunes, with full control of the facts, the network of marketing strategists is free and doing well.

In another scenario, the criminal Alberto Youssef and high-ranking Petrobras officials, secretly organized without political affiliation, perpetrated the plundering of the company on a scale rarely compared internationally. Five or six ringleaders formed the gang's leadership, acting in coordination, based on confessions and irrefutable evidence. For years. They were tried, convicted, and rewarded by Judge Sergio Moro with house arrest with ankle monitors, despite retaining control and benefiting from the devastating events at Petrobras. They didn't copy the marketing strategists' tactics. The opportunities for theft lay in bidding processes for purchases and construction projects. Conjuring the two gangs together serves to confuse the public and free the main criminals from both groups. What does Nestor Cerveró have to do with election campaigns? Absolutely nothing. And what interest do figures like Duda Mendonça and João Santana have in oil rig bids? None. Two trees bearing rotten fruit, they comprise the subsystems of corruption that, associated with pimp politicians within the party structures, have reduced the parties to puppets, squeezed between legislation, extortionate marketing tactics, and the savage competition of capitalist groups, translated into investment in campaigns. The magical transformation of this complex network of businessmen, marketers, construction companies, and politicians with some influence, into the clandestine project of a single party, materializes the plan to destroy popular representation.

Dilma Rousseff faced no problems in the Legislature in approving the anti-terrorism law, a code name for the repression of protest movements. With the approach of the 2018 elections, Lava Jato will seek the podium of glory, having decimated the electoral expectations of popular parties. Or not. If not, the anti-terrorism law will be mobilized to repress demonstrations by voters sympathetic to the PT and its allies. And if that is still not enough, Michel Temer's government will resort to the "state of defense," invoking a bitter chapter of the Constitution. The unamendable clause of the coup is non-negotiable: the Workers' Party cannot, under any circumstances, emerge victorious in 2018.