The role of the left in the broad front

By Jair de Souza 

Bolsonarism has meant a catastrophe for the Brazilian people as a whole. The precarious situation for the working majority, which has always existed throughout our history, has been tremendously aggravated during these four years of the devastating Bolsonaro administration.

Historical studies teach us that Nazism is the lowest level of degradation that humanity has reached throughout time. And, so that there is no doubt about it, Bolsonarism is the form that Nazism has taken as it has expanded in our country today. Consequently, to confront a monster of such malignancy, it would be necessary to forge a wide range of alliances that far exceed the limits of the left, that is, the popular field. Therefore, the broad front that supported Lula encompasses social sectors ranging from the poorest masses to exponents of big financial capital.

Despite having spent the last twelve years under a furious campaign of defamation and persecution propagated by almost all corporate media outlets, former President Lula has proven to be the only Brazilian capable of gathering the necessary support to electorally defeat the gigantic political-mafia machine assembled by Bolsonaro's supporters around a former military officer who, in the previous thirty years, had dedicated himself to activities characteristic of corrupt politicians in the lower ranks of parliament, as well as a fruitful involvement with militia groups in Rio de Janeiro.

This is how, after being the victim of a false accusation of corruption and a shameful trial that condemned him without any evidence, Lula was imprisoned for approximately 580 days in a Federal Police cell in Curitiba. This was the method found to prevent his return to government in the 2018 elections, since all opinion polls placed him in first place in voter preference. As no one trusted by big capital emerged who could guarantee the votes that would prevent the substitute candidate from the popular field (Fernando Haddad) from winning, the masters of capital opted for Bolsonarism. Although the former captain didn't exude very inviting qualities, to definitively ward off the threat represented by the PT (Workers' Party), it was worthwhile to hold their noses and promote the campaign of the Bolsonaro leader. And so they did.

After experiencing firsthand some of the misfortunes that Bolsonarism is capable of generating, even for the ruling classes, many of those who had dedicated themselves to fighting Lula and his party came to the conclusion that they had embarked on a leaky canoe and now needed an experienced rower to save them from an even greater disaster. After several failed attempts to find an alternative from their trusted group, they were forced to resign themselves. There was only one person capable of fulfilling the required task: Lula.

Having proven that he was indeed the right name to crush the shameless apparatus that Bolsonarism had set up to guarantee its continued control of the State, we arrive at the next point of the question: In which direction should Lula steer his government, considering that his supporters come from different and, in many cases, even antagonistic social classes?

In a front of such breadth, each group strives to secure as much as possible for its own benefit. Class struggle is not eliminated in this broad front; it merely takes on new forms. Thus, Lula, the PT, the PCdoB, the PSOL, and the other left-wing groups participating in the alliance represent, or should represent, the aspirations of the popular camp. In turn, those linked to the forces of capital will, evidently, act in accordance with the agendas of interest to the classes in whose names they speak.

It is up to Lula and the rest of the left to make every effort to ensure that the main demands of the workers, the middle class, and the rest of the popular masses are met. They must be prepared and aware that their greatest commitment is always to the social strata to which they belong. In view of this, on many occasions, they will have to confront even people who are part of our support bloc.

While it is advisable to cultivate good relationships among all those who form the support base of Lula's new government, it is important to bear in mind that the masses who voted for us to defeat Bolsonaro expect their representatives to strive to ensure that their needs are not relegated to a secondary position. Therefore, it may sometimes be necessary to wage battles to eliminate resistance that comes from within our own front.

The bloc identified with the left in this government led by Lula must never forget that it is there in the name of urban and rural workers and the middle classes. These are the social groups that do not live off the exploitation of the rest of the population. It is not our place to take the initiative in defending any measure that favors the plundering of the popular majorities. The fact that we are part of a government of alliances that includes sectors of the dominant classes cannot transform us into defenders of capitalism, nor into neutral agents in the class struggle.

We have ideologies and specific interests. At this moment, when the devastation caused by Bolsonaro's policies makes rebuilding the country an extremely difficult task, our duty is to guarantee everyone at least the satisfaction of basic needs for the continuation of life in dignified conditions. We do not accept the persistence of hunger and homelessness for anyone, not even for bankers and large landowners. We will never allow them, or their children, to have to endure these deprivations. We simply cannot agree that their extravagant profits should take priority over the basic needs of our people.

We are aware that, given the current balance of power, we cannot expect all our aspirations to be fulfilled. However, it is our obligation to strive to achieve as much as possible. If the objectives cannot be reached, let it not be due to a lack of effort on our part.