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Marcos Coimbra

Marcos Coimbra is a sociologist and president of the Vox Populi Institute.

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The hero of Bolsonarism

According to 247 columnist Marcos Coimbra, if there were a "hero" to be named as responsible for Jair Bolsonaro's election, the uproar among Bolsonaro supporters would be immense; "To honor him, Bolsonaro could choose the symbol of his campaign: the penis-shaped baby bottle. And announce the hero: the inventor of the baby bottle, who also invented that Haddad was the creator. Through him, he honors others who flooded the internet with similar posts, frantically reproduced through WhatsApp and aimed at well-identified audiences: the conservative and religious lower middle class, particularly evangelical."

The hero of Bolsonarism

Many things can be said about Bolsonaro's election. But not that it was normal, that it resulted from natural phenomena in a democracy. On the contrary, it was an artificial electoral victory, the result of illegitimate interventions and manipulations, which tarnish the mandate that stemmed from it. There are inherent flaws in Bolsonaro's rise, in the electoral contest he waged, and in the shameful government he nominally leads.

One day, who knows, he might decide to tell how he won the election. Not that there's much hope that day will ever come, considering his history of fabrications. But it could happen. After all, isn't he the one who always says he doesn't mince words, that he tells everything?

It would be good if he spoke, to help the country understand what happened in the election, especially during its decisive moment, the ten days leading up to the first round. That final stretch remains a mystery: after Fernando Haddad almost tied with him, a large gap opened up between the two, so significant that, despite Haddad's growth in the second round, he ended up being the winner. No one is better suited than Bolsonaro himself to explain what happened and who is primarily responsible for the change, at least in his view.

Knowing Bolsonaro supporters a little, it's certain that the moment the hero's name was announced, they would go into a frenzy. Everyone would want to be the one chosen.

Sérgio Moro, for example, would be consumed by resentment. He would imagine that no one has more reason than him to receive the distinction. And he wouldn't be wrong. Without his actions, Bolsonaro would have had to face Lula. Anyone can imagine the result.

And what about the military officers who control Bolsonaro? They could respond to Moro that, without them, forcing the issue would have been pointless, as it would have been natural for his decisions to be reviewed by higher courts. Those who had the power to force the Supreme Court and the Superior Court of Justice to accept the consequences were the Armed Forces.

Media and financial market executives would have no doubt that they would be the ones receiving the captain's recognition. They cheered so hard, for so long, celebrated so much when the result came out, that they have the right to feel like the mothers of the government. Without the daily work of their media outlets in creating a landscape of opinions favorable to Bolsonaro and without their endorsement, he wouldn't have left the suburbs.

A now-forgotten figure might have thought, with emotion, that Bolsonaro would finally acknowledge him. The "low-level Bolsonarism" crowd, the anonymous individuals who wore tacky t-shirts praising the "myth," who waged guerrilla warfare online without even knowing how to express themselves, would have been certain that the place was theirs.

None of that. When Bolsonaro revealed the true hero of his election, none of them would be the one honored. Not Moro, not the military, not the bankers, not the Bolsonaro rabble. In those final ten days, everything they could do had already been done. And it proved insufficient: Haddad remained the favorite.

That's when the true hero of Bolsonaro's election entered the scene. Nobody knows his name, where he lives, what he does for a living. Nobody even knows if it's one person or more than one.

To honor him, Bolsonaro could choose the symbol of his campaign: the penis-shaped baby bottle. And announce the hero: the inventor of the baby bottle, who also invented the idea that Haddad was its creator. Through him, he honors others who flooded the internet with similar posts, frantically reproduced through WhatsApp and aimed at well-defined audiences: the conservative and religious lower middle class, particularly evangelicals.

It was this unknown soldier who gave Bolsonaro the election. Through subtle, almost artificial means, he transformed Haddad into someone so amoral that Bolsonaro became palatable.

Based on the available research, it's possible to conduct a thought experiment: if the evangelical electorate arrived at the eve of the election in the same state as it was ten days prior, the election would end in a tie, and the two candidates would go to the second round on equal footing. Without deceiving ordinary people, Bolsonaro and the interests he represents would have failed miserably.

Honor to him: the creator of the penis-shaped baby bottle is their hero. In his honor, they could build him a monument. It would be priceless to see Moro, the generals, and the bankers, all dressed up and circumspect, singing the national anthem and paying him homage.

* This is an opinion article, the responsibility of the author, and does not reflect the opinion of Brasil 247.