Bolsonarism as a policy to encourage the supremacy of poor white Brazilians.

The similarities between Nazism and Bolsonarism are numerous. Beyond the absence of a rational ideology capable of sustaining itself based on logical arguments, both place aesthetics at the center of their affirmation. Far more dyslexic than dialectical, politically and socially speaking, adherents of both beliefs believe in the idea of ​​moral and human superiority, which may be based on their social condition, their religious creed, their ethnic-racial origin, their political stance, or all three simultaneously.

Here, we will only address the ethnic-racial issue from the perspective of a large part of the poor white Brazilian population, who, under the aegis of Bolsonarism as a profession of stupidity, lack of class consciousness, and racial resentment, absorbed this supremacist discourse as if it were a new political and social identity in the country, in which they defend their racial superiority over poor blacks, even though they are equally poor. In a racialized society, the poor white person will perceive themselves as socially different from the poor black person simply because they are white. In Bolsonarism, this feeling becomes more pronounced and functions, strategically, as a marker in the division of the same social class.

Who doesn't remember Jair Bolsonaro's racist speech at the Hebraica club in Rio de Janeiro? In a display of white supremacist power, he used his "lecture" to instrumentalize racism as state policy and promise his peers that, from his inauguration as president of the republic, there would be no more rights for Black people in the country. Or did anyone manage to find a different interpretation of Afro-descendants weighing arrobas (a unit of weight) and not even one more centimeter of land for quilombola communities? The ultimate expression of Bolsonarism, like Nazism, is precisely through the idea of ​​a superior race that subjugates others under its power and authority.

Contrary to the late singer and songwriter Dicró, who said that "in Brazil, poor white people are black," poor white Brazilians have come to see themselves more than ever as part of the "chosen race" that Bolsonarism has established as the standard for the Brazilian people. Between princes who must wear blue and princesses who can only wear pink, the nostalgia for colonialism and monarchical widowhood have begun to be consoled in a somewhat more satisfactory way. This is because, in a racially supremacist structure, the definitions of nobility do not fit any group other than the one that holds racial power. Here, too, we have an authentically fascist way of opposing diversity and social, racial, and gender inclusion, using a pseudo-moralistic aesthetic as an instrument of social standardization.

This supremacist bias of poor white Brazilians begins to be awakened, or, why not say, rekindled, from the moment that Bolsonarism manages to instill in their minds that the struggle of black people for equal rights, social inclusion, and economic representation means the loss of their racial privileges in society. It's as if Bolsonarism were telling poor whites that the only merit they possess, and that could get them somewhere with a little less effort, is the fact that they are white. Therefore, relativizing, or even defending, racism would be a way to protect their rights.

When the white elite protests against racial quotas in universities, for example, they often imply that they would accept quotas if they were social quotas. That is, if poor whites could somehow be the most privileged by this inclusive policy. In doing so, they incite poor whites against Black people, suggesting that they are harmed by this policy because it is only affirmative action for Black people. With this implied enmity, the next step for Bolsonarism is to socially educate these poor whites with their particular grammar, creating a language that they will use to defend their "ideology." Not surprisingly, after Bolsonaro emerged onto the national political scene with his belligerent, racist, and exclusionary discourse, his words and "ideas" began to be repeated by these poor whites as if they were mantras.

The harmful potential of Bolsonaro's rhetoric is so high that even many of the poor Black people he promised to socially decimate have adopted his discursive grammar. Perhaps in the hope of being read as white in soul or thought. Add to this the Christian and neo-Pentecostal religious element, and you will realize the explosive and lethal combination to which the country has submitted. The same "God above all" used by Nazism has been redefined by Bolsonarism. However, with the same intention: to enthrone a white moral, social, and racial supremacy through a Christian appeal led by a new messiah. One who came to judge and decide who should live and who deserves to die. A very easy choice for a racist, sexist, homophobic, exclusionary, and genocidal "savior of the nation."