Nothing more than a female Collor.

Marina is gaining traction because she resonates with the diffuse sentiment of the June 2013 protests, a byproduct of the lack of a Media Law, which primarily stemmed from the erosion of the current political system without a deep understanding of it and, consequently, without clear goals for its transformation, resulting in a general aversion to corruption, parties, and politicians.

The "new middle class" and the D and E "classes" have been penetrated by Marina because, as Clóvis Rossi correctly pointed out, the improvement in the lives of these segments is still seen by them as a vulnerable phenomenon, and the media's fear-mongering about inflation and growth awakens distrust regarding the future.

It is also necessary to recognize, as Luiz Carlos Azenha pointed out, that these sectors have not yet been sufficiently enlightened: "they benefited from social programs but are outraged by the collection of taxes; they received scholarships from Prouni and now are proud to read Veja magazine; they received electricity at home for the first time and believe everything that comes out on Jornal Nacional." 

But Marina is increasingly proving incapable of answering any of these questions.

During Marina Silva's administration of the Environment Ministry, deforestation in the Amazon increased and only decreased after she left office. In terms of management, it was a fiasco. This means, based on the country's concrete experience with her, that the Amazon and other biomes will be absolutely vulnerable to large corporations, businesses, front NGOs, and illegal economic practices. Marina is not fit to defend the planet's greatest biodiversity treasure.

In the same Ministry, he failed to forge an agreement on environmental issues, only isolating himself. As a leader, he was a failure, because one expects a person of this caliber to build pacts with broad sectors, including very powerful ones, but with undeniable economic importance to the country's economy, technology, and jobs, making them partners in preservation and not a source of social conflicts and internal crises within the government and parliament.

She is running alongside Heráclito and Bornhausen, with the possibility of illegal campaign financing to respond. To please agribusiness, she said she was never against GMOs, and capitulated to Malafaia on the issue of gay rights. As a new politician, she is the epitome of inconsistency. What can be expected of her, given that her Rede party has over 100 candidates spread across parties ranging from DEM to PSOL, is that she will be held hostage by the mainstream media to corner the legislative power, by a sector of society like evangelical churches and their political pastors, or worse, that she will radicalize the quid pro quo she so vehemently criticizes? Here, we return to reflecting on the capacity of a non-managerial and leader with questionable attributes to protect the environment in such a context. 

Marina copied Aécio's neoliberal program during her campaign. As an alternative, it's a sham. She will be held hostage by her sponsor and mentor, Neca from Itaú, and her colleagues in the financial system. In other words: she will raise interest rates, reduce public services and public employees, and increase the portion of the public budget used to pay interest to bankers. That's what the proposal to give autonomy to the Central Bank means. In short, it's written that it will destroy social programs, jobs, credit, and wages. 

Marina, therefore, based on what she announces and how she behaves, is part of what is called "corruption," she is opportunistic, neoliberal (right-wing), and brings with her the apocalyptic trumpets of Brazil's international submission, with alarming rates of social calamity, as was regrettably experienced in the 90s.

Fernando Rodrigues was completely wrong when he fabricated a statement from former minister José Dirceu. She is not Lula, she is Collor in a skirt.

In today's Brazil, there's no point in fearing the future, because our model kept inflation on target, unlike the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party). Without cutting public services and public employees, we reduced the debt-to-GDP ratio from 50% to 30%. Beyond the legacy of the World Cup, each house built for a poor person, health unit, bridge, school, and daycare center brings with it jobs with a higher minimum wage, which generates more income for local businesses, leading to more jobs and higher salaries. Therefore, despite low growth, we maintained full employment and an increasing quality of life.

The Marina factor brought only one good thing: proving to the country that the political problem is not solved with false magic, but with a reform that liberates popular representation from the blackmail of the media and campaign financiers. That is what June wanted, and that is what Dilma will do with the support of society, parties, and democratic institutions so that, never again, will any random person feel entitled to classify parties as "left" and "right" at their whim and influence anyone. Or that a pastor will arrogate to themselves the right to dictate whether or not a population can have rights.