On the tightrope, Temer surrenders to the PSDB.

To try and "eat the Christmas turkey at Jaburu," as one diner said on Sunday, Michel Temer agreed to the total submission of his government to the PSDB party, agreeing with Aécio Neves and Aloysio Nunes Ferreira on the appointment of Antônio Imbassahy to the Secretariat of Government. Now, he is overriding Meirelles to finalize a package of microeconomic measures to alleviate the acute distrust in his government. This Tuesday, he launches the first and useless of these factoids, a program to renew the country's bus fleets. Useless because the willingness to invest will not return without a solution to the political crisis that he represents today. According to a participant in the meeting with deputies at Rodrigo Maia's house on Sunday, he believes that, once the new year turns, he will be able to hold on because everyone knows that the indirect election of a president by Congress would be the greatest disaster for Brazil.

Consistent with this reasoning, his base mobilized to block the passage of the Miro Teixeira amendment, which allows for direct elections even with less than two years remaining in the term. The specter of indirect elections must remain, like a scarecrow, so that no one thinks of overthrowing Temer's makeshift bridge. What is currently underway is precisely the "reinforce the bridge" operation, recommended by FHC. The people, however, as shown by Datafolha and the 247 online survey, prefer that Temer resign soon so that elections can take place in 2017.

To secure the presidency at Jaburu Palace, Temer surrendered to the PSDB party, but he also needs to keep his base united, haunted by the Odebrecht plea bargain. A strong operation was mounted to prevent reactions from the Centrão bloc to Imbassahy's appointment. The most rebellious party, the PSD, was brought under control by Minister Gilberto Kassab, lowering the crest of Congressman Rogério Rosso. His candidate for leader of the caucus was soundly defeated by Kassab's candidate. The other Centrão parties are also being convinced that PSDB hegemony at this moment is crucial for everyone. Apparently, the base has been pacified, and the government should be able to approve the admissibility of the pension reform in the Chamber's Constitution and Justice Committee tomorrow, and PEC 55 in the second round in the Senate.

These victories, however, will be illusory. He and his allies know that Claudio Mello Filho's testimony was just a taste of what will come out of Odebrecht's coffers. The most serious testimonies will be those of the controllers, Emílio and Marcelo, and the executives Benedito Júnior and Alexandrino de Alencar. Marcelo has already begun giving his testimony. Although the coup-plotting bloc is cohesive and determined not to let go of power, everything will depend on the toxicity of the new testimonies.