Maia, Brazil's last hope of getting rid of Temer.

The Senate session that decided to reinstate Senator Aécio Neves, contradicting the Supreme Federal Court which had removed him from office, was a true spectacle of blatant hypocrisy and cynicism. In defense of the senator from Minas Gerais, some senators, who are also involved in proceedings before the Supreme Court, brandished furious copies of the Federal Constitution, as if they hadn't torn it up when they approved the impeachment without a crime against President Dilma Rousseff. And they presented the most cynical arguments to justify their vote in defense of the politician, such as that of Senator Telmário Mota, of the PTB party, according to whom there was "only" an accusation against Aécio, without any trial, which in his opinion did not justify his removal. For him and other senators, the recordings asking for bribes, the videos, the suitcase with money, the evidence, the testimonies of the owner of JBS – none of that has value when the accused is a member of the PSDB party. For far less, Senators Demóstenes Torres and Delcídio do Amaral had their mandates revoked by this same Senate. So, the question is: how many and what crimes will be necessary for a member of the PSDB party to be punished for breach of parliamentary decorum?

The Senate's decision, in fact, was the result of a deal orchestrated by Temer, mainly involving the PMDB and PSDB parties, with the aim of also saving him from the charges of criminal organization and obstruction of justice that were being processed in the Chamber of Deputies. A quid pro quo between equals. After all, one dirty hand washes the other. The vote that saved Aécio in the Senate, therefore, is a harbinger of what should happen in the Chamber's plenary session, where Temer's lackeys are already celebrating the dismissal of the Attorney General's charges. And if everything goes according to plan, Aécio will continue his misdeeds with the complicity of his fellow pranksters, all cut from the same cloth, and Temer will continue destroying the country, under the astonished gaze of the international community, which cannot understand how a president with almost zero popular approval still remains in office. The English newspaper "The Guardian," for example, expressed its surprise that the Brazilian people did not take to the streets, as they did against President Dilma Rousseff, to overthrow a coup-installed president who has only done harm to the nation. Is there a lack of indignation? How can this apathy be explained?

In truth, what's missing is someone to activate the command button for the people who, robotized by the intolerance disseminated by the media and social networks, donned yellow and occupied the streets under the leadership of the shrewd Kim Kataguiri and his MBL gang. It's possible that many of the "little yellow ones," who worshipped Skaf's duck and, in a frenzy, banged pots and pans on the gourmet balconies of luxury buildings, have regained their lucidity and are now repentant, but they must be ashamed to discover that they were made fools of by Kataguiri's boys. Mute and stunned by the discovery of the shenanigans of Aécio, their presidential candidate, and by the behavior of the monster they put in power, with the decisive participation of Congress, part of the Judiciary, and the media, they prefer to silently feel the pain of their mistake or – who knows? – of the pot stuck somewhere. And they refuse to admit their guilt.

Many of them are probably still moved by the letters from Aécio, their presidential candidate, and Temer, their acting president. In his letter to the senators, the man from Minas Gerais complained about the "violence" against him, forced to stay away from nightclubs at night, while the coup-plotting president complained about the "conspiracy" to overthrow him. If cynicism caused pain, both would certainly be screaming. Aécio, after all, knows that there is no greater violence than removing an honest president, elected by 54 million Brazilians, without suitcases of money, without asking for bribes, without committing any crime. And Temer, in turn, also knows that he cowardly conspired to overthrow Dilma, stabbing her in the back along with some ministers, with the complicity of Congress, the Supreme Court, and the media. And judging by the vote of the Constitution and Justice Committee of the Chamber of Deputies, which approved the opinion of the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) deputy Bonifácio de Andrade absolving him of the accusations of the Attorney General's Office, Temer will likely continue destroying the country and enslaving its people until he tires of the Presidential Palace and the sycophants who surround him seeking advantages.

As long as there is a rotten Congress like the current one, with some of its members aligned with the criminal organization set up in the Presidential Palace; as long as there is a pusillanimous Supreme Court that pretends not to see the disaster it helped to cause and avoids making decisions in defense of the Constitution; as long as there is a mercenary media more concerned with its bank account than with the country and its people; as long as he has friends infiltrated in the three branches of government, Temer will not leave the Presidency anytime soon. After being saved from impeachment in the Superior Electoral Court by his friend of thirty years, Gilmar Mendes, with a deciding vote that exposed the farce of the trial; after the dismissal of the first complaint from the Attorney General's Office by deputies bought with amendments and positions; and after the announced dismissal of the second complaint, which will cost, among other things, the return of slave labor, nothing else will be able to oust Temer from the Presidential Palace. Unless Congressman Rodrigo Maia, annoyed by certain government actions, decides not to waste his second opportunity to assume the Presidency. Maia is Brazil's last hope of getting rid of Temer.