Let us remember our 13 years of utopian democracy.

Lula's imprisonment provoked major changes in the system of meanings that operates in the traditional media. While Lula was imprisoned, the press was liberated. It was freed from the obligation to relentlessly attack Lula 24 hours a day. Since Lula occupied almost all the material in political journalism, a vacuum was created. 

This vacuum is now being filled, in part, by the classic agenda of criticism of power, the primary function of journalism that often gets lost in the frenzy of official advertising. 

I could say that the PT (Workers' Party) erred in not concentrating the lucrative advertising revenue it had at its disposal to domesticate journalism and, consequently, to perpetuate itself in power. But then I would be the repentant, suffocated, false leftist stuck in the periphery of high-end column writing.  

The fact that the PT (Workers' Party) has always been relentlessly attacked by the press proves its commitment to democracy, not simply to power. Few understand this, few bother to try to understand it. But opinion, after all, should also be based on facts – and the concrete fact is that the PT did not try to buy the press like its predecessors did. 

The Workers' Party (PT) stirred up a hornet's nest and earned the notorious phobia of the media and a considerable portion of its employees, hardworking journalists, whose salaries are obviously linked to the overall revenue of the media company. From there, demonizing the government for withholding advertising funds to invest in infrastructure is a basic step. As the most overused pseudo-intelligent quote goes, "It's the economy, stupid!" 

It's truly remarkable that this period lasted 13 years. We lived in a utopia that will never be repeated. It was a time when the abstract and diffuse concept of democracy was valued like never before in the history of sovereign countries mired in inequality and subservience. It's unprecedented. 

The press during that period was forced to grapple with an agenda that was indigestible to its semantic regime: the agenda of nationalism and growth. Journalists hate growth, they hate good news. It was difficult, and I know you remember. 

He did it reluctantly and faced immense difficulty in producing compelling catastrophes. The tragedies of TAM and Gol at that time were the redeeming topics – regrettably – for a journalism that was struggling to find news. 

The press, during this period of democratic explosion, suffered conceptually and financially, as the advertising campaigns of the Lula and Dilma governments were distributed throughout the country (to all the small independent media outlets scattered across the national territory, as well as to alternative media). 

This hostile reality to the colonized thinking of our press was only cooled down with the birth of a political-journalistic bestiality: the mensalão scandal. From then on, fantasy once again took center stage (and the reader loves a good fantasy). 

The traditional press, therefore, my dear readers of 247, was "trapped" in this lynching machine since 2005 and, finally after its sick fetish was fulfilled – Lula's imprisonment – ​​it could break free and return to covering some truly factual phenomena on our political horizon. 

Examples: for the first time in its history, it begins to investigate the corruption of our political and financial elite: the PSDB. This is unprecedented. It really starts to provoke these sacred cows of our political justice system, with a lot of indirect narrative and subtle adjectives.

 The PSDB's money also dwindled – let's put it that way to be polite – because the country entered an economic crisis. Why do you think Geraldo Alckmin is sinking further and further in the polls? The bribe is over – and as Captain Fábio says in Elite Squad, when the bribe ends, the love ends.  

In other news: Lula was even a master at this. He knew his imprisonment would throw everything into disarray outside. From there, he watches everything protected (he can no longer be imprisoned: he already is; this belongs to the semantic subtleties of the narratives in process), ready to return and stir things up again, whether as an idea, as president-elect, as Nobel Peace Prize laureate, or as the enlightened guy he is.