Justice under attack: the real risk of US interference in the Bolsonaro case.

The fate of Brazilian democracy may be being decided far beyond our borders. With Trump back in the White House and his allies in control of the US Department of Justice, suspicion is growing of an international operation to interfere in the Brazilian legal system and save Bolsonaro and his allies from accountability for the crimes of January 8th.

The danger of amnesty and suspicious movements.

Brazil is experiencing a critical moment in its democracy. The political maneuvering surrounding a possible amnesty for the coup plotters of January 8, 2023, raises serious concerns about the influence of internal and external forces seeking to guarantee impunity for criminals who attacked the democratic rule of law. Recent statements by the new president of the Chamber of Deputies, Hugo Motta (Republicanos-PB), in defense of amnesty and the implementation of a semi-presidential system, indicate that there is an articulation in Congress to limit the powers of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and transfer greater control to the Legislative branch. This proposal, which violates constitutional principles, arises in the context of a strengthened far-right increasingly aligned with the international interests of Trumpism and the American economic elites. The situation is aggravated by the news that the Attorney General of the Republic, Paulo Gonet, recently participated in a dinner with Bolsonaro supporters, figures interested in amnesty for those accused of a coup d'état. The meeting was attended by Ricardo Salles, former Minister of the Environment; Ives Gandra Filho, former minister of the Superior Labor Court (TST) and pro-Bolsonaro jurist; and Marco Aurélio Mello, former minister of the Supreme Federal Court (STF). Also present was the lawyer for Almir Garnier Santos, former commander of the Navy, one of the main figures investigated in the coup plot. This type of political maneuvering between high-ranking members of the Judiciary and figures committed to Bolsonaro suggests a coordinated effort to weaken the investigations and alleviate pressure on the military and politicians involved in the coup.

The scenario becomes even more worrying when we observe the history of the United States Department of Justice (DOJ) and its associated institutions, which for decades have been actively working to destabilize progressive governments in Latin American countries. American influence in coups and political interventions in Brazil is nothing new. In 1964, the CIA and the US State Department provided strategic and financial support to the military coup against João Goulart. In 2016, the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff had the indirect backing of foundations and think tanks linked to the DOJ and the US legal establishment. The lawfare against Lula and the PT in Lava Jato itself had the support of sectors of the Department of Justice, with direct collaboration from Brazilian prosecutors. Now, in February 2025, the return of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States reignites warnings about the role that the DOJ, USAID, conservative think tanks, and Big Tech can play in Brazilian politics. Project 2025, developed by ultraconservative sectors in the US, has as one of its main objectives the complete takeover of American institutions to strengthen the MAGA (Make America Great Again) agenda, which has a strong ideological connection with Bolsonaro's ideology. With key figures from the Trump administration assuming strategic positions in the DOJ and the State Department, the American far-right may be moving to protect Bolsonaro and his allies from accountability for the crimes committed.

Given this scenario, the Executive branch and the Supreme Federal Court (STF) remain the main bastions in the defense of Brazilian democracy. However, they are under pressure from various sectors, including the US Justice Department and Big Tech companies, which see figures like Alexandre de Moraes as a threat to the model of impunity and disinformation that sustained Bolsonaro's movement. The STF's resistance to regulating digital platforms and the hardening of investigations into pro-Bolsonaro networks have led companies like Meta, X (formerly Twitter), and Google to act directly to delegitimize the court's actions and weaken oversight of social media practices. The movement to weaken Brazilian institutions, the defense of amnesty, and the strengthening of Bolsonaro by the international far-right are not isolated events. It is a well-coordinated strategy, backed by sectors of the DOJ and figures in the Trump administration, which could have profound impacts on Brazilian democracy. What is at stake is not only the punishment of the coup plotters of January 8th, but the very survival of the democratic system in the face of a global network of interests that seeks to transform Brazil into a permanent laboratory for hybrid warfare and the international far-right.

The historical role of the US in destabilizing progressive governments.

The history of US interference in Latin American politics is extensive and well-documented. Throughout the 20th and 21st centuries, various US institutions, such as the CIA, the State Department, the Department of Justice (DOJ), and USAID, have acted directly or indirectly to destabilize progressive governments and ensure that these countries remained aligned with Washington's strategic and economic interests. In Brazil, this influence was decisive in three key moments: the 1964 military coup, the 2016 parliamentary-judicial coup, and the Lava Jato legal battle against the PT and Lula. Now, with Donald Trump's return to power in the United States, there are signs that a new offensive may be underway, this time to protect Bolsonaro and his allies from accountability for the crimes committed, including the attempted coup of January 8, 2023. US interference in the overthrow of João Goulart in 1964 is one of the most emblematic cases of US participation in the destabilization of governments in Latin America. Declassified documents from the CIA and the State Department show that the United States government was directly involved in orchestrating the coup, offering financial, strategic, and military support to the conspirators. The then-US ambassador to Brazil, Lincoln Gordon, maintained direct contact with the coup-plotting generals and assured them that Washington would support any action to prevent Brazil from pursuing an independent path. As part of this support, the US launched Operation Brother Sam, a secret plan that provided for the shipment of weapons, fuel, and naval support to the coup plotters in case of military or popular resistance. With the deposition of Goulart, the US ensured the installation of a dictatorial regime in Brazil, which would last 21 years and serve as a model for other interventions in the region.

More than half a century later, American interference in Brazil has taken on new forms. The coup against Dilma Rousseff in 2016 did not occur through tanks in the streets, but through the instrumental use of Congress, the Judiciary, and the mainstream media to destabilize the government. Lawfare became the main tool of hybrid warfare, and American institutions, such as the Department of Justice and the FBI, played a decisive role in the process. Operation Lava Jato, for example, was conducted with direct collaboration between Brazilian prosecutors and DOJ agents, resulting in the selective persecution of politicians and businessmen linked to the Workers' Party, while figures aligned with US interests were spared. The impact of Lava Jato was devastating for Brazil. In addition to resulting in the overthrow of a democratically elected government, the operation destroyed strategic sectors of the economy, such as Petrobras and Odebrecht, opening space for foreign companies to fill the vacuum left by the destabilization of the national market. Former President Lula himself was imprisoned in 2018 in a widely questioned process, based on flimsy accusations and without concrete evidence. His imprisonment prevented him from running in that year's elections, facilitating the victory of Jair Bolsonaro, a candidate aligned with the global far-right and the geopolitical interests of the US under the presidency of Donald Trump.

The destabilization model applied in Brazil was not isolated, but rather part of a recurring US strategy in Latin America and the world. The 1973 coup in Chile, which resulted in the overthrow of Salvador Allende and the rise of Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship, was largely sponsored by the CIA, which financed the opposition and destabilized the Chilean economy before the military intervention. In Venezuela, the United States has repeatedly attempted to weaken the governments of Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro, promoting economic sanctions and supporting failed coups, such as the 2002 coup and the recognition of Juan Guaidó as "interim president." In Bolivia, the overthrow of Evo Morales in 2019 was orchestrated by the Organization of American States (OAS), an organization traditionally aligned with US interests, which released a fraudulent report to justify the removal of the progressive president.

Now, in February 2025, with Donald Trump back in power, there are clear signs that the same mechanisms are being activated to ensure the survival of Bolsonarism in Brazil. Project 2025, a document drawn up by ultraconservative think tanks in the US, envisions the complete takeover of American institutions to consolidate the MAGA (Make America Great Again) agenda. This plan includes total control of the Department of Justice and the FBI to protect far-right allies and persecute opponents, the instrumentalization of the State Department to strengthen conservative leadership abroad, and the expansion of Big Tech's influence over governments and electoral systems. The appointment of Pam Bondi as US Attorney General strengthens this strategy, as she is one of Trump's main allies and has already demonstrated a willingness to use the justice system for political purposes. Furthermore, the choice of Marco Rubio as Secretary of State indicates that the relationship between Washington and far-right Latin American movements will be even closer. The history of US interventions in Latin America shows that this is not an improbable hypothesis or a conspiracy theory, but a systematic strategy that repeats itself over time. The strengthening of Bolsonarism in Brazil, the defense of amnesty for coup plotters, and the coordination between the military, politicians, and sectors of the judiciary indicate that there is a coordinated movement underway, possibly with external support, to prevent Bolsonaro and his political base from being held accountable. History teaches that the DOJ and other US institutions have been used to manipulate the political landscape of various countries, and the current situation in Brazil suggests that this pattern is repeating itself. What is at stake, once again, is national sovereignty in the face of an international agenda that seeks to keep Brazil as a territory subordinate to US interests.

The United States Department of Justice (DOJ) has been a key player in the application of hybrid warfare against governments that challenge American interests. Over the past few decades, the DOJ has developed sophisticated methods of influencing foreign legal systems, using the concept of lawfare – the manipulation of law as a weapon of political warfare – to destabilize progressive governments. This model is not limited to economic sanctions or direct interventions, but also involves the co-opting of national judicial systems, allowing legal processes to be used to persecute political leaders and eliminate political adversaries without the need for traditional military coups. In Brazil, this model was clearly visible in Operation Lava Jato, which served as a laboratory for coordinated legal warfare between the DOJ, the FBI, and sectors of the Brazilian Federal Public Prosecutor's Office, resulting in the weakening of progressive forces and the rise of Bolsonaro.

Lawfare has been an essential tool of the US in hybrid warfare, allowing legal operations to replace conventional military tactics. This occurs through selective cooperation between the Department of Justice (DOJ) and Public Prosecutor's Offices of other countries, where prosecutors and judges are trained in programs offered by the US, creating an institutional and ideological dependency. In Brazil, this cooperation became evident in Lava Jato, when prosecutors from the task force established direct and informal communication with agents of the DOJ and the FBI, without the due knowledge of the Ministry of Justice. Documents leaked by Vaza Jato revealed that Deltan Dallagnol, Sérgio Moro, and other members of the operation maintained frequent contact with the US Department of Justice, which violated the legal protocols of international cooperation. This relationship allowed Lava Jato to act selectively, destroying Brazilian companies such as Petrobras and Odebrecht while protecting foreign competitors and politicians aligned with US interests.

The US Department of Justice and lawfare: the legal weapon of hybrid warfare against Brazil.

The impact of the DOJ's instrumentalization of the justice system goes far beyond Brazil. Similar cases have occurred in several countries in Latin America and around the world, where hybrid warfare has used lawfare to remove or weaken progressive governments. In Argentina, lawfare was used against Cristina Kirchner, who faced a series of lawsuits based on flimsy accusations, many of which were later disproven. In Ecuador, Rafael Correa was the target of judicial persecution that prevented him from running for re-election. In Paraguay, the lightning impeachment of Fernando Lugo in 2012 was supported by legal and political sectors influenced by US think tanks. Now, in February 2025, with Donald Trump back in charge of the US, there is a new realignment of these strategies, and everything indicates that the US Department of Justice may be moving to protect Bolsonaro and his political base from accountability for the crimes committed. With the appointment of the new US Attorney General, Pam Bondi, a direct ally of Trump, the DOJ now has a highly ideological leadership willing to use the institution as a political weapon. Bondi has a history of conservative activism and has already demonstrated her willingness to use the judicial system for political purposes, having been one of Trump's defenders during the first impeachment trial and an active figure in combating progressive policies. Her appointment is part of a larger strategy of Project 2025, which seeks to consolidate the far-right's control over state institutions and align the judicial systems of the US and its allies to act in favor of the MAGA agenda.

The nomination of Marco Rubio as US Secretary of State reinforces this concern. Rubio has close ties to the Latin American far-right and has historically advocated aggressive measures against progressive governments in the region. He is one of the main architects of US policy towards Cuba and Venezuela and has a direct relationship with Bolsonaro supporters, such as Eduardo Bolsonaro. With Rubio in charge of US diplomacy, Brazil may face direct and indirect pressure to soften investigations against Bolsonaro and his military allies, ensuring that the coup plotters escape severe punishment. Another worrying factor is the influence of Big Tech in building this scenario. Companies like Meta (Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp), Google, and X (formerly Twitter) have a history of tolerating and, in some cases, collaborating with disinformation campaigns by the global far-right. Trump's rise strengthens these corporations in the political game, especially because platforms like X, under the leadership of Elon Musk, have begun to openly act against regulations that limit the spread of fake news. The offensive by the Brazilian Supreme Court, led by Alexandre de Moraes, against pro-Bolsonaro disinformation networks has deeply irritated Big Tech, which has begun to sponsor a discourse claiming that Brazil is experiencing "judicial censorship," a narrative that resonates in Trumpist circles in the US. This context reinforces the central argument that the speed of justice is a determining factor in hybrid warfare. As discussed in the article "The Time for Justice in the Age of Hyperconnectivity"As published in Jornal GGN, there is a structural mismatch between the speed of social media and the response time of the legal system. This mismatch is strategically exploited by the far-right to manipulate public opinion before the facts are properly investigated. In the case of the attempted coup of January 8th, this mechanism has been used to minimize the seriousness of the crimes committed and create a favorable environment for the amnesty of the coup plotters. While the Supreme Federal Court (STF) and the Executive branch struggle to ensure the accountability of those involved, sectors of the media and social networks fuel a discourse of victimization of Bolsonaro supporters, suggesting that there is an ongoing political persecution. Given this scenario, the instrumentalization of the US Department of Justice and its associated institutions must be closely monitored. History shows that these movements rarely occur without a greater purpose, and the signs of pressure to guarantee the impunity of Bolsonaro and his allies are increasingly evident. If Brazil does not resist this offensive, it risks repeating the historical cycle of external interference, where the justice system is manipulated to consolidate interests." Foreigners at the expense of national sovereignty.

Project 2025 and the takeover of US institutions by Trumpism: how MAGA influences Bolsonarism.

Since his rise to power in 2016, Donald Trump has consolidated a far-right political project that transcends the limits of traditional US politics. His movement, known as MAGA (Make America Great Again), is not just an electoral platform, but a power project that seeks to reshape the American state to consolidate an ultraconservative, authoritarian, and technocratic model. Project 2025, developed by think tanks aligned with Trumpism, is the materialization of this strategy, outlining an action plan to completely control US state institutions and strengthen international allies, including Jair Bolsonaro and the Brazilian far-right. Project 2025 was developed by the Heritage Foundation, one of the leading conservative think tanks in the US, in partnership with other ultra-reactionary entities such as America First Legal, the Center for Renewing America, and the Claremont Institute. The document presents a detailed four-year strategy to consolidate Trump's power over the American state apparatus, eliminating any vestige of classical liberalism and institutional autonomy. The central objective of the project is to transform the US government into a purely ideological instrument...ensuring that all state decisions are subordinated to the MAGA agenda. To this end, the plan envisions purging "untrustworthy" public servants and replacing them with those loyal to Trumpism, absolute control over the Department of Justice, the FBI, and intelligence agencies to persecute political adversaries and protect allies, the instrumentalization of the State Department to strengthen far-right regimes worldwide, the dismantling of environmental, labor, and social regulations to favor large corporations and tech billionaires, and the militarization of foreign policy to contain the rise of China and blocs like the BRICS.

With Trump's inauguration in January 2025, this project began to be implemented rapidly. The appointment of Pam Bondi as US Attorney General and Marco Rubio as Secretary of State already signals the intention to transform American institutions into an instrument of political warfare against opponents and a springboard to expand the power of Trumpism globally. Pam Bondi has a history of loyalty to Trump and actively participated in his defense during the first impeachment, while Marco Rubio has always been one of the biggest defenders of US interventionist policies in Latin America, especially against progressive governments. This new institutional configuration has a direct impact on Brazil. Bolsonarism has always been an appendage of Trumpism, both in discourse and in political and digital strategies. During the Bolsonaro government, Eduardo Bolsonaro maintained close relations with Steve Bannon, Trump's former strategist and one of the biggest articulators of the global far-right. Now, with Trumpism regaining power in the US, there is a strong tendency for this international network to be reactivated to protect Bolsonaro and his political base from ongoing investigations. The first sign of this movement was the change in tone of US diplomacy regarding the investigations into the attempted coup of January 8th. While the Biden administration maintained a more critical stance towards Bolsonaro and supported Brazilian democratic institutions, the new Trump administration has given signs that it may pressure Brazil behind the scenes to lessen the accusations against Bolsonaro and the military involved in the coup. With the State Department and the DOJ under the command of figures loyal to Trumpism, the tendency is for the US to act directly to weaken the investigations and create an environment favorable to amnesty for the coup plotters.

Furthermore, Big Tech plays a fundamental role in this process, especially regarding disinformation and the culture war. Companies like Meta (Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp), Google, and X (formerly Twitter) were essential in the rise of the far-right around the world, allowing the spread of fake news, hate speech, and conspiracy theories without adequate regulation. During the Biden administration, there were attempts to increase regulation of these platforms, but with Trump back in power, the trend is that these companies will have even more freedom to act as megaphones for the far-right. This means that the Bolsonaro disinformation machine could be reactivated in full force, with direct support from sectors of the US government. Another crucial point of Project 2025 is the alliance between Trumpism and technolibertarianism, an ideology championed by billionaires like Peter Thiel, Elon Musk, and other Silicon Valley magnates. These business leaders have a worldview based on the end of the state as we know it, the total privatization of public services, and the idea that corporations should replace traditional governments. Brazil, as one of the main laboratories of hybrid warfare and the far-right, fits perfectly into this model. During the Bolsonaro administration, we saw a direct rapprochement between the Brazilian far-right and these sectors of Silicon Valley, and Trump's return to power in the US should strengthen this connection. Project 2025 is not just a political document; it is a detailed plan of how the American far-right intends to reshape global geopolitics, influence elections, and ensure the survival of its allies. In Brazil, this translates directly into the attempt to guarantee the impunity of Bolsonaro and his military allies, the maintenance of the influence of Big Tech over public debate, and the use of the US Department of Justice as a tool to protect the interests of the international far-right. If Brazil is not attentive to this movement, it risks repeating the historical cycle of external interference that has marked its political and institutional trajectory.

The international support network for Bolsonaro: how American institutions act to protect the Brazilian far-right.

Since Jair Bolsonaro's rise to the presidency in 2018, the Brazilian far-right has consolidated its connection with strategic US institutions, creating a network of ideological, legal, and economic support that survived even after Bolsonaro left power. This network involves sectors of the US government, conservative think tanks, corporate foundations, and technology platforms, all operating within a consolidated model of external influence over Latin American governments. Donald Trump's return to power in 2025 further intensifies these relationships, reactivating strategic ties between Bolsonarism and the most radical forces of the US establishment. The US State Department, now under the leadership of Marco Rubio, is one of the main institutional channels of support for Bolsonarism. Rubio, who has maintained close relations with Eduardo Bolsonaro for years, is known for his aggressive stance against progressive governments in Latin America and for his alignment with the ultraconservative agenda. During the Trump administration, Rubio was one of the most active voices in US foreign policy toward Latin America, supporting sanctions against Venezuela and Cuba and encouraging opposition movements in those countries. With his appointment as Secretary of State, it is highly likely that Brazil will once again become a focal point of his administration, especially regarding the investigations against Bolsonaro and his allies.

Another fundamental pillar of this network of influence is the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), which has already played a central role in the hybrid war against progressive governments in Latin America. During Operation Lava Jato, U.S. prosecutors collaborated directly with members of the Brazilian Federal Public Prosecutor's Office to weaken the Workers' Party government and promote a destabilization process that resulted in the rise of Bolsonaro. Now, under the command of Pam Bondi, a staunch Trump ally, the DOJ can be instrumentalized to interfere in the Brazilian political landscape, whether through legal pressure, selective investigations, or cooperation with sectors of the Brazilian judiciary to alleviate Bolsonaro's situation. Ultraconservative U.S. think tanks also play a crucial role in this process. Institutions such as the Heritage Foundation, Hudson Institute, and Claremont Institute have for years promoted training and funding programs for far-right politicians and activists around the world. Eduardo Bolsonaro, for example, has participated in events promoted by the Heritage Foundation and maintains a close relationship with influential figures from this think tank. These institutions provide intellectual and political support for the consolidation of a global far-right movement, promoting meetings, developing legal strategies, and influencing public policies in allied countries.

Beyond these institutions, there is a decisive economic factor: the support of Silicon Valley billionaires, who see in Trumpism and Bolsonarism a path to the implementation of technolibertarianism. Figures like Peter Thiel, Elon Musk, and David Sacks have funded think tanks and digital platforms that amplify far-right discourse. Elon Musk's purchase of Twitter (now X) was a milestone in this process, allowing pro-Bolsonaro networks to operate freely on the platform again, without restrictions against disinformation or hate speech. In the current context, Trump's return to power in the US further strengthens this axis, ensuring that Big Tech companies operate as strategic allies in the propagation of content that favors Bolsonarism. This international articulation also manifests itself in the legal sphere. Bolsonarism has received support from American law firms and jurists linked to the ultraconservative movement. One of the most recent examples was the hiring of Jason Miller, Trump's former communications advisor, to assist in Bolsonaro's defense in the legal proceedings concerning the attempted coup of January 8th. Miller is the founder of the Gettr platform, a social network that has become a refuge for Bolsonaro supporters banned from other platforms for spreading fake news and extremist rhetoric. His involvement in Bolsonaro's defense reinforces the thesis that there is an international mobilization to protect the former Brazilian president and his political base. Another relevant point is the offensive against the Supreme Federal Court (STF) and against Alexandre de Moraes, promoted by sectors aligned with Trumpism. Over the past few years, Moraes has become the main target of Bolsonaro's networks, falsely accused of promoting censorship and political persecution. This discourse has been amplified by media outlets linked to the American far-right, such as Fox News and Breitbart, as well as digital influencers and politicians allied with Trump. The strategy is clear: to weaken the STF to create an environment favorable to the amnesty of the coup plotters and guarantee Bolsonaro's impunity. The connection between American institutions and Bolsonaro's political movement is not a matter of speculation, but rather a documented and widely observed process in recent years. What we are seeing in 2025 is the reactivation of this support network, now with Trump back in power and key figures from his administration occupying strategic positions to influence the Brazilian political landscape. The struggle for Brazil's sovereignty depends on its ability to identify and resist these external interferences, ensuring that national institutions are not captured by foreign interests disguised as diplomatic or legal cooperation.

The Real Danger of Legal Interference and the Future of Brazilian Sovereignty.

Brazil finds itself at a decisive moment, where the justice system is not only an internal battleground but also a strategic piece in a much larger geopolitical game. The confluence of factors such as Donald Trump's return to the presidency of the United States, the rise of ultraconservative figures to the leadership of American institutions, and the reactivation of international far-right networks places the country under a concrete threat of external interference in the course of its judicial investigations. The US Department of Justice (DOJ), over the past decades, has demonstrated its capacity to instrumentalize legal processes to destabilize governments, influence foreign justice systems, and protect strategic allies – and there is no indication that this posture will change in the current scenario. Trump's return brought with it a profound reorganization of American institutions, especially the DOJ, now under the command of Pam Bondi, known for her partisan activity and her willingness to use the judicial system for political purposes. This, coupled with the appointment of Marco Rubio as Secretary of State, strengthens an ideological axis clearly aligned with Bolsonaro's ideology, raising questions about the real role of these institutions in the unfolding investigations against Bolsonaro and his allies. There is sufficient historical precedent to assert that the DOJ can act, directly or indirectly, to weaken judicial processes in Brazil, whether through diplomatic pressure or through influence over sectors of the Public Prosecutor's Office and the Judiciary that have already demonstrated alignment with Washington's directives.

The experience of Operation Lava Jato serves as a crucial warning about how international legal cooperation can be manipulated to serve external interests, resulting in the selective persecution of progressive leaders and the weakening of strategic sectors of the national economy. The revelation that Brazilian prosecutors maintained informal and illegal communication with the DOJ and the FBI during the operation demonstrates that this influence is not merely theoretical, but a concrete reality, documented and widely used in the hybrid war against Brazil. Now, with the prospect of a new cycle of interference, it becomes essential that the Brazilian legal system be prepared to resist attempts at co-optation and manipulation. The mismatch between the time frame of justice and the time frame of disinformation on social media creates a loophole exploited by those seeking to subvert the democratic process. The global far-right has learned to use the time frame of hyperconnectivity against the time frame of justice, producing narratives that relativize crimes, criminalize opponents, and weaken institutions even before the facts are judged. Bolsonarism, like Trumpism, understands that public opinion can be rapidly shaped through digital platforms and that, once a crisis of confidence in the judiciary is established, it becomes much easier to legitimize legal maneuvers to protect its leaders. It is in this context that the role of Big Tech becomes central: by controlling the flow of information, these companies shape the public's perception of the legitimacy of investigations and judicial decisions.

The pressure to grant amnesty to Bolsonaro and his allies is not merely national. The movement for impunity has international ramifications and is being strategically supported by ultraconservative networks in the US. If there is a coordinated effort to undermine investigations and create a political environment favorable to the acquittal of central figures of Bolsonarism, it cannot be ignored or underestimated. What is at stake is not only the punishment of those responsible for the attempted coup of January 8, 2023, but the very sovereignty of the Brazilian justice system in the face of external pressures and attempts at ideological manipulation. If Brazil wishes to maintain its legal autonomy and ensure that democracy prevails, it will be necessary to resist these influences and establish clear mechanisms to protect against the instrumentalization of the Judiciary to serve foreign interests. History has already given the warning. It is now up to Brazilian institutions to decide whether they will learn from it – or repeat the same mistakes that allowed the country to be manipulated by invisible hands at crucial moments in its trajectory.