José Serra finally joins the ranks of São Paulo governors: Adhemar de Barros, Orestes Quércia, Paulo Maluf…

The most prosperous state in Brazil, São Paulo has built a peculiar political lineage: that of governors who "steal, but get things done," a tradition inaugurated by the legendary Adhemar de Barros, who governed São Paulo from 1947 to 1951 and then from 1963 to 1966, when he was removed from office by the military for corruption and had his political rights revoked. In one of the most emblematic episodes of the dictatorship, left-wing militants stole the famous "Adhemar's safe," an action that helped finance the armed struggle in the country.

Although they removed Adhemar from office for corruption, the military were not exactly defenders of integrity in public affairs. Proof of this is the fact that they supported the indirect election of Paulo Maluf as governor of São Paulo in 1978. As a political appointee, he recycled the old "Adhemarism," which became "Malufism," the same tradition of carrying out large projects and deducting a percentage for bribes. If Adhemar owned Lacta, Maluf owned Eucatex. And many of the commissions he received ended up in the Jersey Islands, a British tax haven.

After the end of the military dictatorship, an adventurous politician, born in the small town of Pedregulho (SP), surprised everyone and defeated businessman Antônio Ermírio de Moraes in the 1986 São Paulo gubernatorial election. This was Orestes Quércia, also responsible for major projects such as the expansion of the Anhanguera and Bandeirantes highways and for amassing a gigantic fortune in the parallel market of politics. Quércia became the owner of vast tracts of land, radio stations, real estate ventures, and a newspaper, the Diário de São Paulo, which was eventually sold to the Globo media group. After that, he installed his successor, Luiz Antônio Fleury, until the cycle was interrupted by the arrival of the PSDB party to power in 1994 with Mário Covas.

Since that year, the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) has been very efficient in constructing the narrative that, unlike its predecessors, it was a competent manager and diligent administrator of public affairs. Upon arrival, they immediately associated the PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party) of Quércia and Fleury with the story of the "Banespa collapse," which ended up being sold to Santander. Simultaneously, they built an efficient media shield that has lasted for almost thirty years and extends across virtually all the communication vehicles of the so-called corporate media.

During this period, the PSDB party alternated in power with figures such as Mário Covas, José Serra, Geraldo Alckmin, and, more recently, João Doria. Serra, however, stands out for some traits. First, for his immeasurable will to power. Serra always considered himself predestined to be president of Brazil. Second, for his lack of scruples. He has also always been able to ignore any ethical limits, whether in personal or business relationships, to achieve his goals. Third, for his ability to build alliances in the media to defend him under any circumstances. After being defeated by former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in 2002, Serra began to build a discourse of hate in the 2010 campaign, in which he was also defeated by the Workers' Party, this time by former president Dilma Rousseff.

The operation this Friday, the 3rd, against him only reveals something that has long been known in newsrooms, but could not be published. Serra had as his operator the biggest lobbyist in Brazil: José Amaro Pinto Ramos, who acted in emblematic cases, such as the purchase of Sivam, the Amazon surveillance system, during the government of former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and the Alstom trains, throughout all the PSDB administrations. His treasurer, Ronaldo Cezar Coelho, was the owner of the Multiplic bank, and had already appeared as the holder of accounts with US$ 23 million in Switzerland, supplied with payments from construction companies.

In his power scheme, his daughter Verônica Serra deserves a separate chapter. She received a scholarship from billionaire Jorge Paulo Lemann to study at Harvard University in the United States, from where she returned as an investment fund manager, often in partnership with the owners of Ambev themselves. A detail: it was Serra who also financed, during the FHC administration, the purchase of Brahma by Antarctica, which created a near-monopoly in the beverage sector without any significant restrictions imposed by the Administrative Council for Economic Defense. The greatest fortunes in Brazil, belonging to three Brazilians who possess almost the same income as the poorest 50%, originated from this direct action by Serra.

Despite his immense ambition, lust, and desire for power, Serra did not realize his dream of becoming president of Brazil. However, in 2016, he was one of the main conspirators in the coup that ousted Dilma Rousseff and installed Michel Temer as president, an action for which he was rewarded with the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs, where he began the process of dismantling Itamaraty (the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) that culminated in Ernesto Araújo taking over the post.

Serra didn't become president, but at least he concludes his political career by joining the ranks of São Paulo's governors. The same team that included Adhemar de Barros, Orestes Quércia, and Paulo Maluf.