Impunity and cruelty: the regime of perverse visibility.

Following the conviction of the coup-plotting leadership, new maneuvers by the right wing seek to break with the tenuous legality that has been dissolving. Starting this Sunday, a wave of revulsion will bring thousands of people to the streets to protest against the "Proposed Constitutional Amendment" (PEC da Blindagem), nicknamed the "PEC da Bandidagem" (PEC da Banditagem). But what does it shield, besides crimes committed by parliamentarians? It protects the genocidal impulse, the right to assault, kill, loot, and destroy, which has been considered a "freedom" by cynical reason, which acts to ensure the possibility of continuing to govern through violence, torture, and hatred, without fear of the consequences.

For a long time, freedom has been displaced by those who worship the sale of indulgences, who also advocate torture and thrive on brutality in personal relationships, managing to extend them violently within the shelter of positions of power. They encourage the abuse of force and reward those who prove most efficient at plundering public coffers, imposing their command through the contagion of their ferocity, using prejudice and cultivating ideologies that cement a logic of overseers, henchmen, and executioners.

The decline of moral order does not stem from deviant or diverse behaviors, but from the incivility that has become a moral value of Bolsonarism and similar forces, through abject actions against popular sovereignty and the rights enshrined in the Constitution. This incivility also accentuates voluntary servitude as an ingredient that reflects a supposed divine will. The result is that the flock recognizes itself in the success of the executioners, those who seek shelter in the shadow of the powerful, paying them all honors and preparing for yet another wave of crimes, of bloodbaths considered "constructive," indispensable for reproducing our regime of social, racial, and gender apartheid.

We are mobilizing for a protest that aims to challenge the institutionalization of the state of exception through legislation that continues to foster an environment of violence and war. This environment prevents us from confronting the worst of all crimes, the most infamous of state crimes: torture. This crime, which should be the object of the strongest condemnation, is the result and necessary link to all morbid actions and processes, all protected abuse, all overt cruelty, the punitive impulse, and generalized fury.

Torture, recognized as an example, perverts and protects the marks of slavery, abuse of power, and all sorts of corrupting practices. There is a close relationship between the oligarchic and patriarchal forms of our capitalism and the narrow subjectivity of those who launch crusades and pogroms. The punitive pleasure and undisguised state crime, such as that which occurs in Gaza, legitimize those who are emboldened by the power to torture and kill. Some commit these acts to maintain large and small privileges; others, to feel supported and compensated for repressions and stigmas, seeking to identify with those who benefit from power. Thus, millions of people bet on this path as a form of compensation that allows them to act against their equals.

Cynicism and falsehood, under the shadow of denialism, amplify the force of excess. The logical link between the crime of torture and the right to kill, extracting a false truth from the supposed enemy, fuels cowardice and recklessness. Current fascism does not mask itself, as totalitarianism sometimes did in the past. The new face of this process is one of complete madness, celebrating Trumpist violence, seeking to emulate the coup, and celebrating spurious decisions with prayers. The forces unleashed by Bolsonaro's victories prevent the country from dedicating itself to the urgent need to create youth policies, education and cultural initiatives, policies of reparation and social, racial, and environmental justice that confront the power to control and plunder territories and the use of physical and psychological violence. These practices sustain new regimes of domination through fear and government by death, as shown by the numbers affecting the demographic composition of our population.

We will not become a country of precarious and disenfranchised elderly people simply because of the classic curve of modern urban cultures and neoliberalism. We will become a country of young people with bodies and subjectivities shattered by barbarity, far beyond the demographic factor observed in other societies. Exception and excess are part of a new cycle of incarceration and annihilation that began in 2016.

When we take to the streets, we will be touching on more than just an ethical wound marked by the bandit logic of petty egos or gangs. We will be affirming our refusal of the false secrecy surrounding our enigma, one that implies the repetition of a colonial crime, which not by chance vibrates with the historical return of a squadron of neocolonial power. This power seeks to legitimize what January 8th failed to achieve, by inciting the barracks for yet another cycle of state terror in national life.