The Temer government is falling apart on its own.

Michel Temer is learning, in practice, what it means to be in a glass house. And his bad luck is only just beginning. But it started in grand style, with bombshell accusations against himself and his new allies.

Readers know that I have absolutely no sympathy for the institution of plea bargaining, especially not in the way it is conducted in Brazil, with the use of prison torture.

But we must consider here not only the legal issue, but also the political and media aspects.

Naturally, Michel Temer has Globo on his side, and Globo holds the hegemony of the narrative for the majority of the population.

Without Globo's authorization, there could be dozens of accusations against an individual, which would lead to nothing. It takes a Swiss-style public prosecutor's office, like the one seen in Cunha's case, for things to move forward.

However, Globo doesn't control everything. Growing sectors of society no longer watch its news programs and get their information directly from the internet.

In this sense, today's revelations have been a bombshell for Michel Temer's reputation. Dilma Rousseff never suffered any such blow, and was never mentioned in any of these testimonies.

Michel Temer, Aécio Neves, Sarney, Jucá, Renan – the group that forms the core of the interim government – ​​are champions of citations and accusations.

The Lava Jato operation itself is now gaining a new dynamic, because it would be somewhat ridiculous for Sergio Moro and the investigators to go back to dealing with the paddle boats in Atibaia in light of the confessions involving monstrous sums of money from Sergio Machado.

A potential arrest of Lula would sound even more absurd to public opinion, which would ask: why didn't they arrest Cunha, Aécio, Renan, Jucá, and Temer himself, all of whom are mired in countless accusations, many of them even predating Lava Jato?

President Dilma, in turn, emerges from this quagmire with a clean image. It was during her administration, after all, that the most fierce fight against corruption took place—a fight so fierce that it became entangled in itself, corrupting the fight itself.

The problem with Lava Jato is this: it is clearly stupid that, in a country with more than 5 judges and thousands of prosecutors, all the major national cases are in the hands of just one first-instance judge. It is absurd to confuse the fight against corruption, an obligation of all institutions, including non-judicial ones, with Lava Jato, which is only one among hundreds, perhaps thousands, of ongoing investigations into the misappropriation of public funds.

Furthermore, Temer is proving himself to be a weak and unbalanced president, with no control over the beasts he appointed to ministries and state-owned companies.

At EBC, we've heard that the directors hastily appointed by Laerte Rimoli, the state-owned company's president for a few days, have begun an accelerated, almost hysterical, dismantling of programs that have existed for decades.

Machado's testimony, involving Michel Temer, Aécio Neves, and the PSDB party in general, landed like a bombshell in the Senate, providing anti-coup parliamentarians with solid arguments to show that the impeachment was a sordid coup orchestrated by traitors and corrupt individuals.

She also reinforces the international press's accusation that the impeachment was a coup against an honest president, orchestrated by a handful of rats afraid of the mousetrap.

Even the latest maneuvers by the TCU (Federal Court of Accounts), producing new fabricated facts against the president, are overshadowed by the scandalous revelations made by Sergio Machado's testimony.

The situation has clearly reversed. After the coup, Dilma managed to rebuild ties with several important social sectors that had distanced themselves. These ties are growing stronger every day. With each new arbitrary act by Temer against Dilma—cutting off food, air travel, advisors, trying to isolate her from the world—social empathy for her grows even more, because it is human to feel empathy for the oppressed and antipathy towards the oppressor.

Temer stupidly embodied the role of the villain. Dilma had very serious image problems, which she only aggravated by failing to assemble a competent communications team. But Dilma never had the image of being corrupt, a villain, cunning, a traitor that Michel Temer is rapidly acquiring.

With headlines involving his name, Temer also loses the support of the middle-class UDN supporters, who took to the streets demanding Dilma's impeachment because of corruption.

The irritation with Temer hasn't fully developed yet. But it will. People need to see Temer's grim face for a few more weeks, associating him with so many bad things, for the negative passion against Temer to ignite and cause the middle class to finally withdraw its support from the interim government.

Temer will then be completely socially isolated, relying only on the sympathy of Globo, a company that bet too heavily on Temer to let the ball drop so easily now. But by choosing to stay so close to Temer, Globo gives the population reason to yearn to overthrow these two centers of coup-plotting forces.

If we already had a leadership crisis with Dilma, who was elected twice in a row by the majority of the people, and who made egregious errors in the first two years of her second term, the crisis deepens with Michel Temer, a man without charisma, without any trace of empathy for the Brazilian people.