Globo protects the image of FHC, the one from the P-36, and thinks its pro-PSDB journalism is serious.

Sílvia Faria, director of Globo's Central News Department, sent the following email to all the heads of departments at the network:

Subject: Remove the section mentioning FHC from the Lava Jato videos.

Pay attention to the orientation.

Sergio and Mazza: review the videos carefully! We won't allow any to air that mention Fernando Henrique.

This is the manipulated, if not outright mendacious, journalism practiced for a long time by billionaire media moguls and their employees, accomplices in the same purpose: to tarnish the image and morals of Dilma Rousseff's Workers' Party government, as well as to include former president Lula, the PT's possible candidate for President of the Republic in 2018, in this web of conspiracies and infamies.

Anyone with a modicum of discernment and an understanding of what is fair or unfair, right or wrong, understands that the worst and strongest enemies of Brazil's development and the emancipation of the Brazilian people are, without a doubt, the billionaire magnates of all the cross-media outlets, who are currently trying to destroy Petrobras with the aim of privatizing it and subsequently handing over the pre-salt reserves to foreign companies by changing the profit-sharing model to a concession model.

Furthermore, they unbelievably want to maintain private financing for election campaigns and, in turn, fatally undermine political reform, as well as betting on impeachment, through legal means, as happened in Paraguay, against a legitimately elected president who heads a government that is arresting white-collar criminals, corrupt individuals, and those who bribe them for the first time in this country.

The truth is that the impeachment against Dilma is a boast or bravado of the PSDB, which is contesting a virtual third round of the elections from last October, since it has not yet been able to digest its fourth defeat, with many of its members showing themselves to be revolted and resentful, to the point of defending what cannot be defended, because the unjustifiable cannot be justified, which is the breakdown of democratic order and institutional stability.

However, this is an irresponsible and demagogic right wing, as exemplified, above all, by Sílvia Faria's email to subordinate editors, in which she demands "attention" from them so as not to broadcast on Globo's screen the name of Fernando Henrique Cardoso — the Prince of Privatization — whose government did not investigate, punish, or even imprison the career criminals and corrupt businessmen and executives of the construction companies who plundered the nation's coffers, notably those of Petrobras.

Today, these people are being held accountable for their misdeeds, precisely during the PT governments, despite the fact that the coup-mongering press inverts the facts, distorts realities, manipulates the news, and hides from the public the names of their political allies, such as FHC and other protagonists of the privatizations and scandals of the PSDB era, who were always conveniently shielded by the media families, who desperately want Dilma Rousseff to fall from power, as well as the criminalization of the PT and the judicialization of politics.

There is no doubt that a large part of the Brazilian people are aware that this imperialist press, abusing its power and taking advantage of its lobotomizing mechanisms that blind part of society to the realities presented, is not serious and never has been, as evidenced by numerous episodes in its history contrary to the interests of Brazil. The problem is that the most reactionary and right-wing sectors of Brazilian society do not care about democratic legality and, if possible, are willing to tear up the Constitution.

They are radical, extremist, and they don't care at all if parties like PSDB, DEM, and PPS have decided to resort to constitutional illegality, nor do they care if the press controlled by billionaire magnates is deceitful and manipulative. What interests these people, and only this, is the downfall of a labor president who is arresting white-collar criminals, in addition to achieving social inclusion for millions of Brazilians.

It is evident that a billion-dollar scandal at Petrobras, which is being investigated by the Federal Police, under the Ministry of Justice, as well as by the Federal Court and the Attorney General's Office, among other bodies and institutions, is a serious and complex problem that is being improperly and cunningly placed on the shoulders of the Workers' Party (PT) and the Workers' Government, when the truth is that these events have been occurring for decades and are only now being investigated so that those involved can be punished and the stolen public money returned.

After all, as everyone is already tired of knowing, even newborns, those who have emerged from a deep coma, extraterrestrials, and, unbelievably, even the most zealous and reactionary right-wingers understand, even the most reckless and principled, that the corruption committed by career employees of Petrobras dates back to the 1990s, precisely the period of the neoliberal peak in Brazil and the world.

In turn, it must also be understood that the oil company executives who were arrested, along with the corruptors from the large construction companies, acted practically with impunity, because it was precisely during the pro-privatization and pro-foreign investment government of the PSDB party that Decree 2.745/98 was signed, which deals with the prerogative of the state-owned company to contract services outside the scope of the Bidding Law.

In turn, this decree was issued by the FHC government to facilitate the opening of the national oil and gas market to foreign companies, through Law 9.478/97 — the Petroleum Law. The truth is that Decree 2.745/98, signed by FHC — the Neoliberal I — superseded Law 8.666/93 — the Bidding Law. Furthermore, the bidding process became unnecessary, Petrobras sold companies within its complex, the state monopoly on oil was broken, and its shares were sold on the New York Stock Exchange.

This entire process of alienating and handing over public assets began during the Itamar Franco administration in 1992, when the PSDB party came to power and became hegemonic during the Itamar era, with former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso as Minister of Finance, despite having absolutely no understanding of economics. When the Real Plan was launched, FHC was no longer a minister, and yet he had the audacity to sign the Real banknote, even though the Finance Ministry was headed by Rubens Ricúpero.

In any case, the true person responsible for the Real Plan is President Itamar Franco, who authorized it under the constitutional dictates of his presidency and government—including assuming the political risks, which were considerable. The Neoliberal I was appointed Minister of Finance because Itamar, who left power with high approval ratings, faced opposition from the mainstream press, mainly from the São Paulo elite and the Globo media group(?). Therefore, the politician from Minas Gerais needed a name palatable to the mainstream press, as well as to the business and financial sectors, especially those in São Paulo, which historically have always sabotaged governments that did not serve their interests.

In turn, the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) managed to establish in the popular imagination, with the systematic cooperation of the private media, that the Real Plan was the work of the PSDB, when the truth is that Itamar Franco established the favorable conditions for the Real to succeed, as well as Rubens Ricúpero being the Minister of Finance at the launch of the new currency, and not FHC (Fernando Henrique Cardoso), who had already left the Itamar government, but cleverly signed the Real banknotes.

Itamar Franco once said about Fernando Henrique: "Suddenly it even seems like it was Dr. Cardoso, who wasn't even a minister anymore, because he had left office in March, and we launched the Real Plan on July 1st. It even seems like it was Dr. Cardoso who signed the provisional measure (of the Real Plan)" — Itamar stated in 2000, before adding: "He understands less about mathematics than I do; and he understands as much about economics as I do. Perhaps I even understand more than he does" — he concluded.

Ciro Gomes, former governor of Ceará and former Minister of Finance, stated: "FHC was Itamar's minister, but he left before the Real was launched and left the notes signed. This is all a sequence of fraud" — emphasizes the politician from the state of Ceará.

The truth is that the author of the Real Plan is Itamar Franco, and the Finance Minister who launched it was Rubens Ricúpero, not FHC. Itamar died in 2011, but whenever he could speak and be heard, he contested the claims of the PSDB and the private business press that the Real Plan was authored by the PSDB. The fact is, it wasn't. Period.

The former president and historical politician died hurt by this issue and never forgave the bravado, the bombast, the deceptions, and the lies of the PSDB, led by Fernando Henrique Cardoso—the Neoliberal I—who later won two presidential elections, using the Real Plan as his advertising slogan. Exactly FHC, the one who betrayed the country, betrayed Brazil, and even so went to the IMF three times, on his knees, humiliated, with his hand out, because he bankrupted Brazil three times.

Now Fernando Henrique Cardoso is betting on presidential impeachment, and the defeated Aécio Neves, along with Agripino Maia, Rodrigo Maia, Álvaro Dias, Carlos Sampaio, and Ronaldo Caiado, among other right-wing politicians, are echoing in Congress the desire to carry out a coup, which the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) and the corporate press cynically call "legal," against a duly constituted president, legally elected and respecting the democratic process and the dictates of the Democratic Rule of Law.

The truth is that the Brazilian right wants to criminalize the PT's campaign finances, open the pre-salt oil reserves to foreign oil companies, block the political reform that provides for the end of private financing of campaigns, and attribute the arrests of Petrobras and construction company executives to corruption by the Workers' Party government, which in fact is the most responsible for the investigations, accusations, and arrests of white-collar criminals, the corrupt, and those who corrupt—who for the first time in the country are being arrested and punished—and within the PT government. This is the fact.

However, FHC — the Neoliberal I — while still a senator, had already announced his privatization intentions before running for president in 1994. In a liberal speech, the prince of the corporate press arrogantly proclaimed, divorced from history, the end of the Getúlio Vargas era. His pronouncement sounded like a signal for what would later happen to Brazil and its rich and diversified public assets.

A legacy built through the work of generations of Brazilians who dedicated themselves with knowledge, hard work, and competence to creating state-owned companies of the size of Rede Ferroviária, Telebras, Embratel, Vale do Rio Doce, Petrobras, and ports, as well as companies linked to petrochemicals, fertilizers, sanitation, gas, insurance, banking, steel, and mining, among other business segments of the powerful Brazilian economy.

Just for the record, from 1992, still under the Itamar Franco administration, until 2000, former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso and his Chicago Boys sold 125 state-owned companies and still failed to amortize the public debt, in addition to throwing Brazil into the clutches of the IMF. To call the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) governments incompetent and sellouts is an understatement.

The truth is that Fernando Henrique, the PSDB party, and their allies betrayed Brazil and the Brazilian people, and today they still have the audacity to speak of morality, as if they were the heralds defending Brazil, when it is known that these economic and political groups are spokespeople for the interests of the plutocracy, which controls the establishment worldwide.

However, and for Brazil's sake, FHC is a terrible visionary and a mediocre "historian." The Vargas Era was not "buried," as the former president mistakenly announced in the 1990s, which would be a dream of neoliberals, right-wingers, and businessmen who bet on a savage capitalism of exploitation and piracy. With the rise of the PT to power, laborism was restored, having been ousted from power in 1964 with the fall of Jango.

Brazil resumed economic growth, millions of Brazilian citizens were integrated into the job market and the education system, and Brazilian democracy was consolidated, despite the cheap and irresponsible coup attempts by certain sectors of society dissatisfied with social progress, the guarantee of labor rights, and the refusal of the Lula and Dilma governments to automatically align themselves with the interests of the United States and the European Union, as well as not being dictated to by the media controlled by billionaire magnates.

There will be no coups d'état, military or judicial. That would be a very dangerous adventure, even more so when it involves the PT, a party that remains socially organic and is in power. It would be very imprudent of the Brazilian right, which—it's true—has always been irresponsible, because it only cares about its business and profits, its little world of crystal dome and provincialism made for the few to get ahead, enjoy the country's riches and maintain its privileges and benefits forever, as if it were its destiny of opulence, perversity and recklessness determined by God. Globo shields the image of FHC, the one from P-36, and thinks its pro-PSDB journalism is serious. Sleep with that noise. That's it.