The PSDB's funeral will have no tears or candles.

Upon reading the news that the governor of São Paulo, Rodrigo Garcia, has unabashedly embraced Bolsonaro's fascism, I was reminded of the prediction made in 1995 by the then all-powerful PSDB minister Sérgio Motta that the PSDB would remain in power for at least 20 years.

We all know that power intoxicates and even brings a sense of perpetuation to its occupants. Hence the words of the late minister "Serjão," at the height of the PSDB's political power. 

I don't intend to waste much time on Rodrigo's alignment with Bolsonaro, given the low electoral relevance of this support, since the governor didn't even make it to the second round.

Furthermore, he has been disavowed by several figures who played important roles in national politics during the PSDB's golden years.

Both episodes, however, are emblematic in terms of the rise and fall of a Brazilian political party. The PSDB's supersonic flight to the right was bound to culminate in the alignment with the far-right by the governor of a state that the party has controlled for 30 years.

São Paulo was the last citadel to crumble.

Born to galvanize a social-democratic sentiment, a kind of expiation of guilt, from a segment of the middle and upper classes, the PSDB won the 1994 elections riding the wave of the Real Plan, dethroning the favoritism that Lula had maintained for four years.

Because it is so well known, the party's downward trajectory, which culminated in the election of a paltry 13 federal deputies last Sunday, can be summarized in six points:

1) To distance themselves from the PT, which established itself on the left and even the center-left, the PSDB abandoned any vestiges of the elitist social-democratic ideology of the Covas and Montoro era.

2) As the darling of media groups and the financial market, the PSDB adopted the most radical ultra-neoliberalism ever to fail worldwide, with rampant privatizations, deregulation, and non-sovereign insertion into economic globalization.

3) The party was at the forefront of approving all projects aimed at removing labor and social security rights from the Brazilian people, such as the labor and social security reforms.

4) Failure to acknowledge Aécio's electoral defeat to Dilma in 2014.

5) Strong support for the coup against President Dilma.

6) Applause for the hunt and illegal imprisonment of Lula, as well as all the legal atrocities committed by Lava Jato that targeted PT leaders.