Fascism, military intervention, and police strike.

Since the first right-wing uprising in March 2015, a unity has been established among reactionary sectors. Some defended nationalism, others liberalism, others Bolsonaro, others the return of the military, etc.

This ideological eclecticism meant, for some idealistic and dogmatic interpreters, that the movement could not be defined as fascist. They forget that precisely the lack of ideological unity marked the development of Italian fascism. And in general, a political phenomenon cannot be deduced from what its participants think about it.

The "coxinha" demonstrations, which in their third edition achieved tactical unity in defense of impeachment, were fascist movements because they united the middle class under the direction of finance capital to attack mass left-wing organizations and overthrow the elected government, which had a pillar of support in these organizations.

In this sense, it was clear that the fascist movement led to the coup. Thus, the coup would have fascism as its social basis. This would say a lot about how it would act. There is no longer any doubt about that.

We explained that the reaction to the coup would inevitably lead to a hardening of the regime, which would result in a fascist regime or a new military dictatorship. However, the resistance against the coup at this moment is a breath of fresh air felt in all circles, but it is not expressed in a way that makes it the main factor in the hardening of the regime, as we had previously suggested. At this moment, what explains it is the internal crisis within the right itself.

In March 2015, Bolsonaro responded to the multiple proposals of the fascist movement by saying: "First we overthrow Dilma, then we'll sort things out." However, after the coup, it became clear that each sector is pulling the rope in its own direction, revealing a stalemate within the coup itself.

The PSDB/DEM wants to run over the PMDB; the PMDB resists and stirs up more trouble. All sides are weakened, and the longer this internal impasse lasts, the more palatable a military solution becomes for the bourgeoisie.

At this moment, between fascism and military intervention, the bourgeoisie is betting on the latter, but as we shall see, without ceasing to advance an alternative fascist plan.

There are no demonstrations. Fascist groups have reduced their surface activities. Meanwhile, the military has appeared as saviors from chaos countless times. Temer invested hundreds of millions in the Armed Forces and said they will act whenever necessary. The weakness of his government, the institutional crisis of the State, and a social crisis that is silently and poignantly growing suggest that the Army will be used many times. In perspective, the interventions in Espírito Santo and Rio de Janeiro appear as training for the troops and preparation of public opinion.

Latest information points to Bolsonaro (PSC), Carlos Manato (SD) and former congressman Capitão Assumção as organizers of the police mutiny.

This police mutiny resulted in chaos, military intervention, the migration of the governor of Espírito Santo from the PMDB to the PSDB, and retaliation against the police.

To assume that Bolsonaro is the sole leader of this action would be to commit a falsification intended by himself.

It is far more fitting that the PSDB, in its struggle against sectors of the PMDB, used a more radical wing to mobilize the police from the grassroots level.

In other words, to advance the fight against the PMDB, the PSDB ends up encouraging two alternatives: military intervention or fascism. After all, Bolsonaro strengthened his position as a leader among the police by defending their particular interests, a corporation that is a veritable breeding ground for far-right paramilitary groups. And the retaliation against the strikers further encourages these police officers to side with Bolsonaro against the current regime.

At the same time, it strengthens the argument within the armed forces for intervention against chaos. This is because it would reveal that elected representatives are committing illegal acts to advance negotiations. In other words, intervention would be necessary to guarantee the functioning of the institutions.

However, there is no complete confidence that the army could handle the problem, since the country's recent history makes the population aware of the danger this represents, increasing the possibility of a popular uprising against it. Therefore, it is important to advance a non-institutional, paramilitary, or fascist, option.

In other words, the worsening crisis forces fascism to move from simple groups of skinheads to a more prominent political position within the repressive apparatus, where they will find ample ground for training and practicing terror.