It is urgent to split the Ministry of Justice and Security into two.

"History always repeats itself, at least twice," said Hegel. Karl Marx added: "the first time as tragedy, the second as farce."

The 64 coup led to the tragedy of the 21-year military dictatorship; the day of dishonor was a farce of a coup.

Many lessons need to be learned so that there isn't a third time.

It is urgently necessary to split the Ministry of Justice and Public Security into two, as Lula intended.

The fight against Bolsonaro's Nazi-fascism will be a very long one.

The military, police, militias, and civilians who adhere to this ideology, as well as the instigators and organizers of the sham coup of January 8th, will not cease to exist, even if imprisoned, except perhaps if the entire chain of command is tried and sentenced to many years in prison.   

In parallel, reform the armed institutions – military and police – with clearly defined functions and limits that are rigorously obeyed. 

In a joint effort, state and federal governments will put an end to the militias. 

The necessary reform of the justice system will require extensive study of projects and debates within institutions and organized civil society, and current reality reinforces the urgency of this reform. 

Public safety requires project studies, with the participation of governors and particularly the most vulnerable communities, victims of insecurity, for a new structure, and will also demand much debate and subsequent lengthy implementations. 

In this historical context, a single ministry, under the command of a single person, is worrisome, and the risk of errors and political fallout is quite high.

The Bolsonaro-backed coup attempt failed because Lula did not activate the GLO (Guarantee of Law and Order) mechanism, as proposed by the Minister of Defense.."Anyone who does something wrong will be asked to leave and will be investigated."" (Squid).Múcio did something very wrong; his proposal, if put into practice, would have consummated the coup. Military leaders They also did something very wrong.

To restore order and democratic peace to Brazil requires, first and foremost, placing the Armed Forces in their proper constitutional role. 

And in order to avoid further misleading interpretations of Article 142, Congress and the Supreme Court should formulate a single interpretation.

Since the three branches of the armed forces are not trained for police work, and when they were trained for it, due to the GLO (Guarantee of Law and Order operation), it was a tragedy, I am among those who believe that this article 142 should be removed from the Constitution.

Ultimately, the President of the Republic commands the Armed Forces. If he deems it necessary to have the Army on the streets, he has supreme authority to do so. 

However, if another branch of government, as stipulated in Article 142, initiates the GLO (Guarantee of Law and Order operation), and the president, being the commander-in-chief, opposes it, how will this be resolved?

The Armed Forces, being structured on the principle of discipline and hierarchy, obey orders.

The Minister of Defense administratively coordinates the three branches of the Armed Forces and transmits and enforces the orders of the president and commander-in-chief of all branches. 

The Ministry of Defense is not the commander, and since the Armed Forces are not constitutionally permitted to interfere in politics, nor even to offer opinions, the less the Ministry of Defense appears in political news, the greater the signal that it is fulfilling its constitutional duties. 

The elections are over, but the class struggle is not, nor is the coup against democracy. 

For those who accused the electoral system of being fraudulent, expecting them to quiet down and accept defeat is to fail to understand that polarization has taken root and that backwoods fascism could last for many more decades. 

The plan by the military and the market to continue overseeing the State is permanent as long as transitional justice is not implemented. 

The objective and subjective conditions are in place for a break with this age-old tutelage.

Lula needs to be bold to win. To do so, he needs the organized participation of the people. And in this sense, the government's communication must be daily and continuous. 

It was urgent to organize a communication network (of public and community radio and TV stations, blogs, newspapers) in defense of the democratic rule of law. 

The corporate media has already begun its attacks, both subtle and blatant, on the government. 

Brizola prevented a coup with the network of legality.

Learning from history to do the right thing and avoid repeating the same mistakes. 

At this point in the first 15 days of the government, I think only Lula and the coup-plotting military believe that choosing Múcio for the Ministry of Defense was the right decision.  

The behavior of the military and the Minister of Defense in the face of the Bolsonaro-led coup attempt, if not complicity, was certainly incompetence.

Democracy won in the elections and defeated the Bolsonaro coup attempt; to consolidate it, popular participation and the application of transitional justice are essential.

I suggest Lula organize a movie screening with the ministers of Human Rights, Justice, Culture, and others to watch the film Argentina, 1985.  

The day of dishonor cannot be forgotten, and the 21 years of dictatorship must always be remembered.