It's the big house, Brazil.

Popular support for Bolsonaro, from that segment of the population that takes to the streets to defend genocidal, authoritarian, and misguided agendas, is no more than 15%. These are generally people whose precarious literacy and political awareness, or even employability, lead them to take to the streets, dressed in green and yellow, defending anti-democratic and retrograde agendas, to say the least. The remaining 15% are composed of those who are, or are supposedly, from the most narrow-minded ruling class in the world: the Brazilian class. They don't believe in Brazil because they have no identity with it whatsoever. For the wealthy, privileged of the nation, it doesn't matter that Petrobras received, in 2015, the highest award a petroleum company can receive for technological development, a year after the farcical Lava Jato operation declared the company bankrupt.

For the Brazilian ruling class, it also doesn't matter that Brazil has built a particle accelerator, enriched uranium with its own technology, or executed a project conceived in 1840, starting in 2005, that brings water to 12 million Brazilians. A civilizational advance in a country where inequality is among the highest in the world. What interests the ill-born and lazy heirs of the plantation owners is, just like their ancestors, to profit as quickly and as much as possible from Brazil's natural resources and strategic companies, handing them over to the development of other nations at the cost of the sweat and blood of the working class. Bolsonaro and Minister Paulo Guedes faithfully follow the ultraliberal agenda that, since the 2016 coup, has not made a single contribution to Brazil's development.

On the contrary, the duo of exterminators of the future, amidst the deepest health crisis in the country's history and the largest decline in foreign trade, of almost 20%, intends to divest itself of Petrobras, Eletrobras, Correios, Banco do Brasil, Caixa Econômica Federal, Casa da Moeda, among several other strategic companies and energy resources, such as oil and, more recently, water. The only and most urgent task of a government committed to the people of its country is to combat the pandemic, protecting the population and defending the economy. This is not the time to get rid of what will pull Brazil out of the economic quagmire, which has been increasing and deepening since Constitutional Amendment 95, culminating in a pitiful GDP of 1% in 2019. It is with these tools that the economy will recover, generating jobs that will demand industrial production, whose products will then be consumed by those who make the economy work, the working class.

Brazilian society is constantly numbed by a discourse of minimal state intervention, echoed like a mantra by the voice of the financial market and the commercial press. Presidents of other countries go to great lengths to keep their populations isolated and protected, because they know that it is they, and only they, who will revive the economy. Recessionary policies and the privatization of national assets have already been sufficiently demonstrated to cause misery, backwardness, and wound the pride of any people who aspire to be developed. However, therein lies the problem of Brazil and Brazilians. For the ruling class and its two henchmen, Bolsonaro and Guedes, the national interest is not at stake. Since 1.500, the elite have disposed of Brazilian wealth without consulting society. For them, the nation is nothing more than a mere spectator of their interests and a taxpayer.

Generating the jobs necessary to revive the economy, with existing companies and energy resources, will already be a very difficult task. Without them, it will be impossible. You don't need to be an economics expert to know that the countries that buy Brazilian companies will invest their potential in their own interests and allocate the profits to their territory, leaving Brazil with only labor to serve this exploitative system. Therefore, in addition to these two issues, ultraliberalism must be combated—a policy that concentrates income and power in the hands of a few and distributes immense misery to thousands of human beings who serve as labor to sustain a self-destructive and bankrupt system. At the end of Fernando Henrique Cardoso's ultraliberal government, Brazil had a GDP of R$ 1,5 trillion and international reserves of US$ 37 billion. When the PT was ousted from government, it left a GDP of R$ 5,5 trillion and reserves of US$ 380 billion.

At the end of 2014, before the start of the coup process, Brazil achieved full employment, with 4,5% unemployment. Without strategic companies and energy sources, we would never have achieved these things. Bolsonaro and Guedes are the architects of destruction. Therefore, the great enemy is ultraliberalism, which must be eradicated from the world. There is no possible planet that can support two thousand people having more wealth than 4,6 billion other human beings. This is the result of extremely high income concentration and social exclusion.

It makes perfect sense for FHC (Fernando Henrique Cardoso) to support Bolsonaro's continued presidency, which means keeping Guedes, the finance minister, to whom the former president handed over, among other assets, against the will of the Brazilian people, Vale do Rio Doce for less than 10% of its value. Vale was a state-owned company respected worldwide. Until then, it had never committed the unprecedented humanitarian and environmental crimes in Brazilian history. The efficient, effective, agile, and modern private sector managed to tarnish the company's name and cause hundreds of human deaths and environmental disasters whose consequences include the disappearance of ecosystems and decades to recover what remains from the crimes committed in Brumadinho and Mariana.

Therefore, as long as the plantation house remains standing, slavery will reinvent and perpetuate itself, because its principle has not been overcome. There has been no abolition with social justice and agrarian reform, for example. For over a century, it has been adapting to technologies that now control exploitation remotely. The strike by app-based delivery workers gives more visibility to the new slaves, victims of labor reforms initiated by Temer and deepened by Bolsonaro, which are nothing more than the subjugation of the working class to the newest limits of labor exploitation, where remuneration is subsistence level, expenses and risks are extremely high for workers, without any obligation on the part of those who profit billions from apps that exploit the work of those who deliver and those who produce what is delivered. Down with ultraliberalism.