From manifesto to protest
There is still time to humbly rewrite this manifesto, moving beyond this chaotic attempt to unite individuals into an organized action of consciences that know that the present and future political landscape of Brazil depend on a reconstruction of the past, marked by injustices, not only for Lula and Dilma, but for the majority of the Brazilian people.
Even without seeking to revitalize the controversy surrounding the "We Are Together" Manifesto, nor to fuel fractures among members of the same political body, it is worthwhile to revisit some key aspects of this debate that I consider essential. The first concerns the false idea of humility that was used in this discussion. I say false because, in general, the document's defenders created a fallacious game of appealing to the majority, that is, trying to sell the idea that no one could be against an initiative that apparently belonged to everyone. And thus, they seek to make the masses understand that those who did not sign the text are arrogant. Now, instead of accusing Lula, Requião, and other political leaders of being self-centered, wouldn't it be more democratic and worthy of humility to rewrite the manifesto to include them? Wouldn't that be an attitude that would, in fact, do justice to the document's title?
The second aspect that needs to be analyzed is whether this movement might be a friendly arm of the ongoing strategy I call AAQ: Erase the left, light up the neoliberal right, and burn the far right. Not including in this document the fundamental terms of the left's struggle, such as criticism of attacks on the rights of the poor through brutal reforms, is a real contribution to the invisibility of the left. Wouldn't the absence of "Out with Bolsonaro" contribute to the programmed erosion of the president without undermining the agenda of the atrocious reforms?
However, the manifesto also contains remnants of populist agendas, a favorite of the cunning right wing, such as combating corruption, law and order, economic responsibility, and national unity. We are not denying the importance of these themes, but these are terms used in the 2018 campaign, at the dawn of Lava Jato, to capture votes from the depoliticized masses, where the narrative of combating corruption was preferred more for its aesthetic value than for its ethical-political meaning, thus configuring a neoliberal-Lava Jato propaganda.
The third element worthy of debate is the political weakness of the Manifesto, since it is anchored in the generalities of Enlightenment terms such as truth, science, and freedom. The document's strength would lie in its audacity to transcend the intentions and desires of virtuous citizens who subscribe to the document, in order to protest against the actions of the Bolsonaro government. Instead of an abstract defense of science, it should point to the president's saga against social isolation; instead of speaking generically of truth, it should point to the use of fake news by the Bolsonaro government; instead of freedom in its pure concept, it should concretely point to the president's participation in demonstrations that called for dictatorship, without ignoring the violence of Operation Lava Jato, which attacked the freedom of Lula and other political leaders.
Therefore, while safeguarding the good intentions of the creators of Estamos Juntos (We Are Together), there is still time to humbly rework this manifesto, moving from this chaotic attempt to unite people to an organized action of consciences that know that the present and future political landscape of Brazil depend on a reconstruction of the past, marked by injustices, not only for Lula and Dilma, but for the majority of the Brazilian people, who were plundered by violent reforms against historically acquired rights. Therefore, let us move from manifesto to protest to hold Bolsonaro accountable for the damage to human lives in this pandemic.
* This is an opinion article, the responsibility of the author, and does not reflect the opinion of Brasil 247.
