Funaro's testimony exposes the criminal organization and Temer's role.

The ten annexes of Lúcio Bolonha Funaro's plea bargain will only fail to convince those who refuse to be convinced – like the rapporteur in the Chamber's Constitution and Justice Committee, Bonifácio Andrada – that Michel Temer and his PMDB cronies and others formed a criminal organization to "launder money," and that the occupant of the Planalto Palace played a preponderant role in it. The criminal organization, its structure, its members, and its crimes are described with an exuberance that produces gastritis by the end of the reading. That's all they thought about. Regarding the crime of criminal organization, the accusation contained in Rodrigo Janot's second indictment is fundamentally based on Funaro's plea bargain, and not on Joesley Batista's recordings. Because the demonstration of the accusation is so clear, the deputies who vote against the indictment, helping Temer escape, will not escape the punishment of the voters, much less the judgment of history. They will have voted knowing exactly what they were doing.

The release of the files confirms the graphic diagram above, published by the Federal Police, regarding the organization's structure. At its center of command is Michel Temer, sharing influence and power with Eduardo Cunha. Around them gravitate the other politicians and operators: Geddel, Moreira Franco, Eliseu Padilha, Henrique Alves, Antonio Andrade, Funaro, Rocha Loures, Fabio Cleto, and others. This is the Temer-Cunha PowerPoint presentation:

Together, they sought to occupy positions within the Workers' Party governments that would allow them to "make money," as Funaro put it. They demanded bribes in airport concessions, in the release of credit operations from Caixa Econômica Federal for various companies, sold administrative acts of the Ministry of Agriculture to favor JBS, and sold provisional measures that were being processed in Congress, suppressing or including sections of interest to the companies. Business dealings at Petrobras are outside this scheme. What other name could a group dedicated to these practices deserve, acting in close coordination, and hierarchically answering to the Vice-President of the Republic and the President of the Chamber of Deputies?

According to the Federal Police, Temer alone received funds obtained by the organization totaling R$ 31,5 million: R$ 30 million from Odebrecht; R$ 1 million from the J&F group; and the R$ 500 found in the suitcase delivered to former aide Rodrigo Rocha Loures.

Business dealings within CEF (Caixa Econômica Federal) have been widely publicized, but the list of provisional measures approved through bribery appears for the first time, and brings to mind Bismarck's phrase about how the people are ignorant of "how laws and sausages are made." Funaro cites the following laws, resulting from sold provisional measures, which the Supreme Federal Court should annul.

1) Provisional Measure 656 – Authorized the entry of foreign capital into the hospital, laboratory, and health plan sector. The main buyer and beneficiary is the Amil group. And with this, we, the users, are at the mercy of foreign companies that have made health plans inaccessible to the middle class, to the point that the government is now planning the creation of "popular plans," cheap but ordinary.

2) Provisional Measure 595 – Dealt with the modernization of the port sector, but included measures to favor the Libra group, which was able to renew its concession even though it owed money to the Union, something Dilma's Provisional Measure prohibited. In exchange, Temer received a donation of R$ 1 million for his campaign.

3) Provisional Measure 549 – Allowed the sale of over-the-counter medications in supermarkets, benefiting the Hipermarcas group. For this measure, plus the blocking of any tax increases for the sector, Hipermarcas promised a bribe of R$ 36 million.

4) Provisional Measure 563 – Reduced payroll taxes for the air and road passenger transport sector, benefiting the Constantino family, owners of Gol and bus fleets.

5) Law for the Federal District, reducing the tax on aviation kerosene from 25% to 12%, again benefiting Gol.

6) Provisional measure that regulated the legacy of Bamerindus, favoring banker Andre Esteve, of BTG Pactual.

What other name does the group led by Cunha and Temer deserve, a group that crowned its list of crimes with an attack against democracy, buying votes to overthrow an elected president in a flawed impeachment process that the Supreme Court now has an obligation to review?