Summon the owner and master of all: the people.

In times of crisis, we need to review our models, and that is what we hope to witness with the discussions on political reform. We are aware that this is a moment of rupture and that something new is urgently needed.  

From my point of view, it's time to call upon the people, who are the owners and masters of everything, to have a say. If the National Congress is truly concerned about Brazil, now is the time to set aside its more particular and corporate interests and act by convening an Exclusive Constituent Assembly to carry out a profound political reform. 

A reform that can break with the current climate of distrust, lack of representativeness, and lack of credibility among those elected under the current rules of an anachronistic and distorted electoral system. 

own cause However, we cannot ignore the reality we face in the Legislative Branch, at all levels: its members, more often than not, legislate in their own self-interest. Now it cannot be any different.  

Therefore, we need to strengthen the actions of those who want the people to be truly sovereign. Those who understand that elections should be financed by the resources of society, not by economic power, which has subverted the manager (Executive Branch) and the auditors (Legislative Branch) of the farm called Brazil.  

During my term as senator for Tocantins, I presented Senate Bill No. 166/2015 (http://www12.senado.leg.br/ecidadania/visualizacaomateria?id=120379 ) with the goal of definitively and securely resolving, I believe, the issue of election financing, by amending Laws 9096/1995 and 9504/1987 in order to establish the FDE - Democratic Election Fund.

Chieftains- What would this fund work like? In election years, the FDE would receive resources from the Federal Budget and donations from individuals and legal entities. The fund will be managed directly by the Electoral Court, which will distribute the resources to the parties, which, in turn, will finance their candidates. 

Critics argue that this model will favor party bosses, but I believe that changes to the Organic Law of Political Parties, which are as necessary as changes to the financing model, will solve the problem.  

They also argue that people, especially businesspeople, will resist donating. However, I think the vast majority understand that there is much more to gain from transparency and economic and social stability than from engaging in corruption to defend their interests. These people will feel honored to contribute. 

Reconnecting with the people - Beyond the financing model, it is necessary to consider ways to restore representative democracy, reconnecting politicians to the population. In this sense, social media plays a very important role, while also contributing to reducing campaign costs.  

Other important measures include equipping the Judiciary to oversee elections. It is also necessary to create mechanisms for social control over the Judiciary and the media, both new and traditional, as is the case in developed countries like England. Similarly, the Electoral Court needs to promote intensive and systematic campaigns to raise voter awareness of their rights and obligations.  

The two Proposed Amendments to the Constitution currently being processed in the National Congress contain some provisions that, if approved, will help initiate a transition process towards a new model for conducting elections in which the people can exercise their sovereign right to be, truly., the owner and master of everythingAmong them, I highlight, for example:  

a) public funding (77/2003), or, as I propose, the mixed model: resources from the public budget and from individuals and legal entities; 

b) the end of lifetime tenure for members of the superior courts (STF, STJ, TST and TCU) who will now have single 10-year terms (77/2003);

c) the end of coalitions and the establishment of party federations, a union between parties constituted for a determined period, not less than the term of office in dispute. These federations must be governed by a program approved by all of its members, to be presented to voters during the election and which, if victorious, will be implemented during the term of office (282/2015).  

Hypocrisy Regarding the controversy over public funding, I emphasize that it is utter hypocrisy to claim that we cannot, in a time of economic crisis, use public resources to finance elections. Hypocrisy because the government has just granted a R$ 25 billion debt forgiveness to Banco Itaú and wants to donate no less than R$ 100 billion to telecommunications companies (Oi, Vivo, Claro, and Tim), according to an assessment by the Federal Court of Accounts.

The interesting thing is that even in the face of such an absurdity, I don't see either the media outlets of the five families who shout day and night against public funding, nor some parliamentarians from the government's base, rising up against this outrageous act by the coup government, which is once again usurping the people's assets and handing them over to its cronies. 

Excessive salaries and exceeding the salary cap - I will repeat and compare: the forgiveness of Itaú's debt added to the donations to telecom companies represents R$ 125 billion, being given only to a few businessmen, compared to public financing of elections, which is proposed at around R$ 3,6 billion, to democratize elections and combat corruption.

 The people cannot fall for the siren song that public funding will take money away from health and education. That's not necessary. It's enough to end the outrageous practice of paying exorbitant salaries, illegally benefiting a small elite in the public service with earnings exceeding the constitutional ceiling of R$ 33.700,00. Because, according to a study conducted during Dilma's government, earnings above the ceiling cost the Brazilian people approximately R$ 9 billion annually in the Judiciary, Public Prosecutor's Office, and Legislative branches alone. 

 If we do the math, since elections occur every two years, we would have a revenue of R$ 18 billion with the end of the spending cap, enough to finance five consecutive elections. Or better yet, with the end of the spending cap there would be resources to finance the elections - R$ 3,6 billion per election - and even then, every two years, the government would have an additional R$ 10,8 billion to invest in education and health.

 

The truth is that some parliamentarians are playing to the gallery, saying they are against public funding because they believe the people are against it. Others make speeches against public funding and, at the same time, want to bring back corporate funding that benefits them, which, in practice, will favor corruption. They want to keep Congress under the control of economic power. 

 

Ultimately, what is really needed is for the people to understand that, in order to assume their role of sovereign In the process of defining its priorities and the direction our country should take, it needs to assume command of the processes for choosing leaders at all levels. This will only be possible if the people finance and oversee the elections. Is this possible? I think the discourse of impossibility only serves those who want to continue exploiting the people.