Talking with the grandchildren

1.  In the underbelly of society.

In my political analyses, I have focused my interest on civil society, from where demands arise and support is articulated. There, one finds more or less organized social movements; in addition to the classic ones, we have the emergence of new demands: women, Black people, Indigenous people, LGBT people, etc. These movements will forge particular connections with political parties. Currently, there are 33 legally recognized parties. A minority have defined programs; a good number are rented groups, for electoral purposes or to obtain advantages in the allocation of positions.

Suddenly a doubt arises: is this what society is reduced to? Aren't we narrowing our vision, leaving aside a whole part of reality? Live Wheel On May 18th, I interviewed Felipe Neto. Many people's initial reaction was: who is this unknown person and why was he chosen for a program that invites well-known figures? And gradually, the clear, honest, and even modest words of a young man emerged, a young man who has behind him, across various virtual spaces, eight million subscribers and over ten billion accumulated views. Talking with my grandchildren, they introduced me to a vast world of so-called "unknowns." digital influencersThese are people who have been expressing themselves for years through YouTube, Instagram, or Twitter. They appear less and less on Facebook. They are commonly known as bloggers or YouTubers. They are in contact with an impressive number of followers. Followers don't necessarily mean support, but rather access. However, Felipe Neto is only second in terms of audience. Another, with the unusual name of Whindersson Nunes, from Paraíba, has 39,6 million subscribers. Thus, there is a huge number of virtual networks, with messages covering a wide range of interests, satirical texts (with a humor that, I confess, I don't always grasp), sales of goods, music, food, etc.

Felipe Neto was introduced on TV Cultura as a businessman (and a very successful one at that), actor, artist, comedian, writer, and philanthropist. Author of several books such as "The World According to Felipe Neto: Hilarious Truths of Life," "Life Behind the Cameras," and "Believe It or Not," he primarily targets a teenage audience with short texts and meaningful images. His brother, Lucas Neto, is geared towards a younger audience. He hasn't shied away from controversy. For example, the far-right guru Olavo de Carvalho ironically called him "a promising teenager." He retorted: "At my age (32 years old) you were giving astrology courses and proclaiming that the earth was the center of the universe." He also debated with the rigid Marco Feliciano, pastor of the neo-Pentecostal church Catedral do Avivamento and congressman for the PSC party.

The fact is that Felipe Neto opened up a space that seemed nonexistent in this world of YouTubers and bloggers. Live Wheel He took a clear stance criticizing the Bolsonaro government. He didn't adopt an ideological label, nor did he declare himself right-wing, left-wing, or centrist, placing himself outside of traditional political identities. He honestly confessed to having voted for Bolsonaro, just as he had been critical of the PT and in favor of Dilma's impeachment. An open mind, under review, aware that he is not in a definitive position.

Through it, we reach so many YouTubers and Twitter users without a presence or visibility in the traditional field of political society. The electoral map doesn't cover this vast field of options and demands. But another blogger recently, Felipe Castanhari, also one of the pioneers in the use of YouTube, on his channel... NostalgiaA YouTuber, with thirteen million subscribers, has just declared: “There’s no such thing as not discussing politics. How can we not discuss the greatest tool for transformation in society?” (UOL network, 2/7/20). It’s interesting to see the enormous number of reactions to this statement, ranging from “debating politics is a waste of time” to “every act is political.” The political theme flourishes in this vast space of YouTubers, on Twitter, and on Instagram.

We are discovering the presence of new generations with their own codes and socializations that we are not always able to perfectly grasp. But they are not limited to young people; there are members of other ages there. And the question remains: do a good number of articles, analyses, proposals, and political denunciations reach them?

In the recent past, in June 2013, there was a moment of tragic missteps. At that time, beginning in São Paulo, a predominantly young public took to the streets with a specific demand: the Free Fare Movement (MPL). The national government (Dilma of the PT) and the São Paulo state government (Alckmin of the PMDB) did not give due importance to this emerging dynamism. It is true that Dilma, unsuccessfully, timidly attempted an approach. For some, these were merely destabilizing maneuvers by the opposition; for others, minor demands. Since it was a movement without leaders, traditional politics could not identify leaders with whom to dialogue. This dynamism rising from the popular base, still wild, was not taken seriously enough by the political sectors in power. And then it was captured shortly afterwards by leaders of the neoliberal right, the Free Brazil Movement (MBL), which emerged months later (November 2014), in aggressive opposition to the governments. This contributed to the latter becoming visible on the national stage.

2. Broad fronts on the immediate horizon.

There is a growing consensus regarding this irresponsible government, among left-wing, center, and moderate right-wing parties, to a certain extent, as we will see later, in the mainstream media (read the latest editorials in...). O Globo, Folha de São Paulo ou Estadão).

Protests and mobilizations began to emerge. Thus, on May 30th, We are togetherThe petition, spearheaded by artists and intellectuals, and signed by Flavio Dino (PC do B), Luiza Erundina (PSOL), Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB), Fernando Haddad (PT), and even Lobão, who broke with Bolsonaro's ideology, states: “We are more than two-thirds of the population and we urge parties, their leaders, and candidates to now set aside individual power projects in favor of a common project for the country… As happened in the movement…” Direct nowIt's time to put aside old disputes in pursuit of the common good... We have different ideas and opinions, but we share the same ethical and democratic principles.

On the same date, another text, Basta, There, approximately 700 lawyers denounced the president for committing serious crimes of responsibility while in office.

Another manifesto, We are 70%.Based on a Datafolha survey that showed that 70% of respondents considered the president terrible, bad, or average, the text was signed by figures ranging from media personalities like Xuxa to congressmen like Marcelo Freixo (PSOL) and Jandira Feghali (PC do B). Marcelo Auler views the three texts as a whole.

An important fact was the entry of mobilizations into the opposition to the government. out BolsonaroThese groups, originating from traditional football fan clubs, occupied a space left vacant by some traditional political parties or social movements, entangled in internal discussions and indecision. Among them were the Corinthians' Gaviões da Fiel, and fan groups from São Paulo, Palmeiras, and Santos. They peacefully occupied Paulista Avenue and were attacked by armed Bolsonaro supporters. But the mobilization wasn't limited to São Paulo; in Rio de Janeiro, Flamengo's fan group also demonstrated. The president of the National Association of Organized Fan Groups of Brazil, Sandro Gomes, called for mobilization in other states.

Many of us have been insistently calling for a Broad Front. Faced with the heterogeneity of new opposition demonstrations that are beginning to occupy the streets, the question arises: Broad Front with whom? Flávio Dino, for example, proposes a broad dialogue with distinct forces in defense of democracy, with leaders from the left up to, for example, Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Luiz Eduardo Soares and Marcelo Freixo (PSOL) have proposed similar approaches. In the face of this, there are dissenting voices. Ciro Gomes appears as a free agent, attacking in various directions. In a recent PT meeting, Lula warned of the danger of very heterogeneous alliances, urging caution and declaring that several of them did not take the working class into account. It seems we are listening to the former union leader and less to the former president who forged the broadest alliances, with Sarney or Maluf, Barbalho or Temer.

One question arises: is it enough to replace an irresponsible, increasingly histrionic president? Who truly dictates and designs the real policies? Wouldn't it also be important to confront Guedes' ultraliberal project? And to uncover the ambiguous role of Moro, who until yesterday was in the government and today is an alternative to a right wing as dangerous as Guedes'?

Let's look at Moro's case. According to information, among others, from Intercept BrazilThe text reveals Moro's anti-national connection to the FBI, showing how, while at the Ministry of Justice, he opened the doors to this American agency. But even during his time as a judge in Curitiba, at least since 2017, his contacts with the FBI were clear, with agents present during interrogations of informants who were making plea bargains. Moro is one of those figures who was groomed to put the law at the service of dominant national and international political interests. It is becoming clear that Operation Lava Jato was largely orchestrated to remove Lula from the scene, initially an almost unbeatable candidate. One only needs to recall the grotesque presentation by prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol who, without evidence, fabricated an organizational chart placing Lula at the center of a major corruption case. And in the debates revealed by... intercept, We see Moro, who should have intervened at the end of the process in his capacity as judge, already from the beginning guiding the prosecutors towards incriminating Lula and even declaring that accusations against FHC should be set aside, to concentrate on what, for him, was essential. The ridiculous indications of a triplex apartment that Lula never visited, minor appearances of his grandchildren at a country house, were possible and weak indications, not proof, for an announced conviction. When the Intercept While publishing incriminating dialogues of Moro, he took five days of leave and disappeared, apparently going to the United States to gather data for its preservation. At the same time, sectors of the mainstream media and alternative media insisted relentlessly, even through the dissemination of... fake news, in the consolidation of anti-PT sentiment and anti-Lula sentiment.

The mainstream media's attacks against Bolsonaro spare Moro and even portray him as the great sheriff in the fight against corruption, in an updated version of what the UDN and Carlos Lacerda were in the 1950s, using the pretext of possible corruption within a constructed "sea of ​​mud" that led Getúlio Vargas to his sacrifice.

A deceptive alternative arises: in other words, should we fight an incompetent president or denounce an anti-national policy? Some left-wing parties, in their indecision, are unable to meet this challenge.

Perhaps we should think in terms of two periods, not necessarily successive, but with different urgencies. As has been indicated, we are at war against a terrible pandemic. It is at the center of concerns, in the name of defending life. It is the great priority in terms of national salvation. And we have before us a murderous situation with this government in the face of the coronavirus. This leads to the demand for its removal in the name of the population's health. The president is increasingly dangerous, in his reckless public appearances, denying isolation and wanting to distribute in bulk a chloroquine that scientists consider untested and, in many cases, with dangerous side effects. There he is, addressing a small group of unconditional supporters every morning, possibly recruited, without any physical distancing, who shout slogans, many of them coup-mongering, attacking the Supreme Court or the Legislature, amplified soon on Twitter by his children and most loyal followers. He even galloped on horseback in front of the Planalto Palace, against all the guidelines of his own health policy. He represents a terrible threat and is certainly responsible for the spread and growth of the pandemic among us, already placing Brazil second in morbidity and mortality statistics. His own admired Trump has just closed the borders to Brazil. What will the inept chancellor and the crude Eduardo Bolsonaro, who proudly wore a hat with the American president's name, say? The most urgent priority here is to participate in the overthrow of this irresponsible president. This will also count on repentant Bolsonaro supporters and on bloggers and YouTubers who are gradually becoming aware of the deadly dangers of the coronavirus. One of Bolsonaro's phrases is terrible in its coldness and insensitivity: "We lament the dead, but it's everyone's destiny." 

Faced with strong mobilization, the armed fascist "300" of Sara Winter and other far-right groups will certainly retreat despite their boasts and war cries. We had an example in the case of the Integralists, who apparently grew strong from 1932 to 1938, with aggressive parades à la Mussolini, flags with the totalitarian sigma symbol, and pseudo-nationalist cries of... AnaueThey were set running with incredible speed.

Will we be able to articulate a national salvation front in the face of the pandemic and a criminally irresponsible president? The response in society is beginning to be more eloquent than timid political calculations. Thirty-seven impeachment requests languish in the corridors of the legislature. A strong mobilization could shake them out of their legalistic lethargy.

But it is also necessary to denounce a neoliberal system that will attempt to continue even in a possible post-Bolsonaro era. Let's not fool ourselves, the violent editorials of O Globo, Folha de São Paulo ou EstadãoThey do not interfere with Guedes' policies or Moro's directives. On the contrary, they are even in favor of the president's downfall, should he become unpopular, in order to preserve his economic policies and his national and international political alliances. They will have broad sectors of the dominant economy and external support on their side.

But in both cases, the fall of Bolsonaro and the denunciation of the neoliberal system, the alliances should also be relatively broad, even if the former are more inclusive. To confront an economic system and a submissive international policy, which will try to persist in a post-Bolsonarism era, there should be a perhaps somewhat narrower alliance, with a focus on defending our national interests, while still maintaining a pluralism of alliances, as indicated by Tarso Genro (PT) or Flávio Dino (PC do B). 

A national, popular, and democratic front is indispensable, in line with the various demonstrations and manifestos indicated above.

Another distinct and later moment is the electoral alliances of 2022. The bitter lessons of 2018 can help. We had the inflexible stance of the PT, maintaining Lula's candidacy until the eleventh hour, which was clearly unviable, weakening Haddad as a last-minute option. Furthermore, difficulties in forming alliances kept Ciro, Marina, and Alckmin running isolated in the first round, along with eight other candidates.

They faced a far-right candidate, an obscure congressman with 12 years in the lower ranks of Congress, who made occasional statements in favor of the dictatorship era, or when, in that shameful session of the Chamber of Deputies that allowed the impeachment of Dilma to proceed, he made the scandalous tribute to the torturer Brilhante Ustra. On that occasion, he received an immediate and forceful response from Jandira Feghali (PC do B) and a prophylactic spit from Jean Wyllys (PSOL).

In a third part of this text, to be sent later, we will try to discover how the "invention" of Jair Messias Bolsonaro was possible.