Dallagnol's tantrum is proof of the crime.

Dallagnol, the Lava Jato pastor, PowerPoint expert, and proud owner of two apartments in the Minha Casa Minha Vida program, spent this Wednesday, the 30th, throwing tantrums against the advancement of a law in the Chamber of Deputies that punishes judges and prosecutors who abuse their power.

The law is good, despite its dubious origins. It is good above all because it arises from a clash between the powers. The authors of the Federalist Papers, a seminal work on modern representative democracy, explained that the main advantages of a democracy derive from the fact that it does not depend so much on the goodwill of public officials. If the system is democratic, if there is separation and independence between the powers, it is natural that a clash will occur between them, and this has nothing to do with the moral quality of the representatives of each of these powers.

The judiciary's encroachment on the legislature was necessary to carry out the coup d'état. However, it has now run into internal contradictions within the middle sectors of the elite itself, such as the members of parliament.

The coup showed us that Brazil is full of second, third, and fourth-tier powerful figures, whom the system ruthlessly sacrifices in favor of further concentrating power in the hands of the true owners of Brazil: a few billionaires from São Paulo, the judicial caste (which, united and ideologically cohesive, like a political party, has become an enormous, dangerous, and anti-democratic power), and a handful of media barons. That's it, those are the ones in charge.

Geddel Vieira Lima? An unfortunate individual who mobilizes the top echelons of the federal government to pressure a technical body to approve his apartment? Michel Temer, who enters into this incredibly dirty and mediocre game with Geddel, and sides with him against Marcelo Calero, the former Minister of Culture?

They are puppets.

The agents of Lava Jato themselves are minor pieces in an incredibly sophisticated chess game for a country that failed to realize that, since discovering the pre-salt oil reserves and becoming, for a few years, the fifth largest economy in the world, it had entered the adult world and, therefore, should have a more prepared political class.

Dallagnol said that the "task force" will resign if the law is approved. In reality, behind the tantrum we see criminal blackmail, a true abuse of power, quite typical of public servants completely intoxicated by the political power that the media has given them. A public servant has a function to fulfill, for which, in the case of a prosecutor, they are handsomely paid. They cannot abandon their function out of "spite" because Congress approves a law they don't like.

I have to speak about the situation ironically, because in my opinion the task force should have resigned a long time ago.

And that PowerPoint presentation, Dallagnol, the subject of worldwide ridicule?

Dallagnol's attitude reveals that Lava Jato was politically instrumentalized in an attempt to legitimize an authoritarian, truculent juristocracy that turns the fight against corruption into a moral crusade that kills any economic and political life in the country.

The Lava Jato party gets along better with Michel Temer's deeply corrupt government than with Dilma's because it understood that its juristocratic agenda has a better chance of succeeding in the face of a weak administration whose only social support comes from Globo (a major Brazilian media conglomerate).

The arrests of Cabral and Garotinho were a calculated move to intimidate the political class, but it ended up having the opposite effect. The shocking scenes of Garotinho being taken from his hospital bed and returned to prison, under the orders of an unscrupulous judge, provoked a diffuse feeling of self-defense among parliamentarians. They sensed that they could all be victims of the same authoritarianism.

If the task force threatens to "resign" because of a vote in Congress, this proves that they were always aware that Lava Jato had become a political party. It has its own strength, supported by the Attorney General himself, Janot, and possesses political direction and objectives.

It should be noted that the members of Lava Jato must be feeling terribly humiliated by the way the coup they themselves helped to bring about has unfolded, given that several ministers have been indicted by the task force.

On the other hand, Dallagnol's PowerPoint presentation, accusing Lula of being the "supreme commander" of the corruption schemes at Petrobras, helps explain Sergio Moro's desperate and criminal attitude in leaking the audios of Lula and Dilma to Globo.

Meanwhile, the president of the Supreme Federal Court and the National Council of Justice, Carmen Lucia, subsidizes the headlines of the pro-government newspapers, complicit in the juristocracy that is being attempted to be implemented in the country, with her irritating arsenal of clichés and catchy phrases.

As president of the CNJ (National Council of Justice), Carmen Lucia is a great union leader, forgetting, however, that the CNJ is not a union corporation, but rather a body constitutionally established to oversee the judicial work conducted in the country. And yet, it has acted only as a corporation specialized in transferring large sums from the taxpayer's pocket directly to the pockets of judges, starting with the CNJ's own members.

Lucia, in one of her bursts of enlightened mediocrity, says that every dictatorship "begins by tearing up the Constitution," a phrase that sounds profoundly ironic at a time when we are, in fact, living under a judicial dictatorship, with the armed arm of the State now under the control of judges.

Lucia's words are carefully chosen to fill the empty heads of media zombies. Dictatorships don't always tear up the Constitution, but they distort it to their heart's content, always with the cheerful help of judges.

Throughout almost every moment in world history, judicial bodies have consistently opposed democratic advancements, never supported them. The judiciary is a historically conservative and essentially anti-democratic sector.

The Supreme Court justices themselves, like Lewandowski and Barroso, propagate sinister barroom theories, such as the one about us entering the "century of the judiciary," as if what is happening were something very cool, instead of being yet another of those terrible traps that humanity only tends to become aware of after a few decades of tragic experience.

Lucia takes advantage of popular ignorance regarding the power of judges, which has always been a problem and an excess, even pointed out by one of its greatest theorists, Hans Kelsen, who warns of the danger of the judge as a producer of laws. After all, when interpreting the law, the judge practically creates another law.

Kelsen also delivers an important message to the fanatics of Lava Jato and to all legal professionals who see themselves as moral missionaries. He says that the law can never presuppose, as the media-driven vigilantes of Brazil do, that there is an absolute morality of which they are the representatives. Every time jurisprudence is based on an absolute morality, says Kelsen, it produces an "uncritical legitimation of the coercive order of the State." In other words, every time legal professionals see themselves as guardians of morality, they violate democratic doctrine, which presupposes constant self-criticism, restraint of power, and respect for those who think differently.

The dictatorship that Carmen Lucia fears, therefore, is already in place in Brazil, orchestrated by the judiciary itself.