Bolsonaro, the far-right, and the radical "centrist" falsification.

The Bolsonaro government is radicalizing its far-right project, but this may lead to some misunderstandings of the real political plan at stake. The current Bolsonaro government no longer performs any functions other than... de jure...a logic to which politics does not submit, and it is necessary to analyze under what dynamics it continues to operate. I wrote about this process of replacing the de jure President with the President about ten days ago. , who holds the regency over the Presidency, and since then it has only been a reaffirmation of this analysis. The effective power is exercised by a uniformed group of generals embodied in the figure of Gen. Braga Netto (who does not know only (where Queiroz is), the origin of the coordinates for the core presidential actions, whose purpose is to level the ground for better performance in power when the radical right comes to power.

To understand the meaning of this analysis, it is necessary to go back in time a little and recall that the radical right, so easily recognizable through its public security policies and its deleterious economic policy, but historically disguised as a "civilized" center-right, was crushed in the last elections of 2018. Dissatisfaction with the stark exposure of the extremist face of the right through the actions of the current government leads broad sectors of this right to expose the group's internal frictions, and thus the search for a cosmetic surgery that differentiates these dissident segments, aiming for success in the next electoral process. Hence the movement to dedicate themselves to making the right rise from the ashes and bury an emerging theocratic-fascist power model that pleases not only sectors of the Armed Forces but also the capital that supports it.  

When Bolsonaro radicalizes all his actions, it's not a matter of bewilderment, but a concert of actions and projects, barring occasional deviations by the buffoon playing the role. He plays the role of realigning the image of the radical right in a centrist and moderate position, and this is the reason for his radicalization, being a mere eventual gain translatable into the reconfiguration of order into a formal dictatorship. Without this shortcut, the project of forging an image of restraint and prudence that the Brazilian ultraconservative radical right never had continues, or have we already forgotten Reinaldo Azevedo's celebrations when the São Paulo Military Police shot and blinded protesters during the Temer era under the coordination of the then Secretary of Public Security, and now Minister of the Supreme Federal Court (meteoric rise under Temer after clarifying the obscure case of the "theft" of the first lady's phone) Alexandre de Moraes? Certainly, those who were blinded cannot be the target of our forgetfulness. Have we forgotten the orders of Mr. [Bolsonaro]? Did João Agripino Dória, then Mayor of São Paulo – now Governor with presidential aspirations – authorize bulldozers to demolish buildings in Cracolândia with human beings inside, or even throw ice water on homeless people in the middle of the São Paulo winter? Who has forgotten that São Paulo police authorities confiscated blankets from homeless people in the middle of winter to force them off the streets? Have these men, now adults (if not elderly), undergone any process of conversion when they now claim to be "life saviors" and "defenders of human rights"? The examples of attacks on human rights by this radical right are numerous, historical, and don't require deep mnemonic devices to understand how much human and structural damage it has already caused to Brazil.

The movement currently being carried out from the core of power is to falsify the eternally radical Brazilian right with an air of moderation, reconfiguring it in the popular political imagination as a centrist option. This is part of an electoral project to recover the political territory of the right, undermined by the contaminating image of Bolsonaro and his supporters. In this sense, it is essential to clarify that the President currently has, at most, 30% of the population still supporting him in some way, with varying degrees of adherence. And what about the other 70% of the population? What kind of political project would this overwhelming majority of the population be willing to support in the event of electoral polarization like that seen in the last elections of 2018? Certainly, faced with a government willing to openly kill its citizens, we suggest that the tendency is for this 70% of the electorate to point towards a different path than the one taken by the far-right. Given the electoral disaster confirmed by polls, what would be the movement of the far-right? For the far-right to survive, the radical right needs to be rehabilitated, and the best way to do so is by adopting an image of restraint, disguised under the palatable skin of a centrist lamb, and, with sophistication, ensuring greater legitimacy by seeking public support from sectors of the left, because what better "safe conduct" could there be for the radical right to publicly construct a position of moderation and centrist balance?

In this sense, Bolsonaro's radicalization movement of general destruction of policies and institutions will be a constant, again and again, and he will continue to do so until the end, in the face of his mission of national detonation, whose interests only align with those implemented by occupying forces in times of war. Bolsonaro will continue to push the limits repeatedly, as he is performing functions remotely controlled by the dominant sector in the Armed Forces, which has abandoned the defense of national sovereignty under the inertia of dissidents within the Armed Forces. Contrary to general perception, the President follows this path without fearing great personal risks, and from the point of view of power, neither, since he is no longer its holder. And if any unforeseen event occurs along the way, the military will be activated to implement the "Nixon exit"—the pardon—something that would only reinforce Brazil's lamentable historical disposition to avoid confronting the decisive issues of its history and thus cross thresholds and recreate its institutions according to qualitatively superior civilizational parameters that enshrine human rights.

None of these political circumstances concerning the protection of human rights and national sovereignty, and all that it implies, are of interest to the far-right, which allies itself solely with the implementation of the interests of the national occupation empire. Disregarding the reality of defending national interests is imperative, and the forces hitherto committed need to be liberated and have their image cleared of this connection to the realization of this project of national destruction. The far-right urgently needs to recreate its new public image, and the successive desertions and declared public regrets of various political actors absolutely committed to the rise and eventual election of Bolsonaro reveal that the far-right seeks to reposition itself in another space on the political spectrum under the guise of the center-right, thus distancing itself from the imminent disaster that will pulverize public reputations of those who intend to occupy any political space that depends on the favor of the ballot box. The centrist falsification of the radical right will be a decisive step in the hypothesis that we will still go to the polls soon.